CELAC Reiterates support for Argentine sovereignty over Malvinas

Special Declaration on the question of the Malvinas Islands

The Heads of State and Government of Latin America and the Caribbean, gathered in Quito, Ecuador, on the occasion of the fourth Summit of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), on 27 January 2016,

1. Reiterate their strongest support for the legitimate rights of the Argentine Republic in the sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia Islands and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas, as well as the abiding interest of the countries of the region in the resumption of negotiations between the Governments of the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in order to find, as soon as possible, a peaceful and definitive solution to the dispute, pursuant to United Nations General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX) and other relevant resolutions of that body and of the Organization of American States, as expressed by them in the previous declarations of the Rio Group and the Latin American and Caribbean Summit on Integration and Development, in particular the Declaration of the Latin American and Caribbean Unity Summit, held in Riviera Maya, Mexico, on 23 February 2010, which are part of the historical heritage of CELAC;

2. In this context, the Heads of State and Government of CELAC welcome the new initiative to request the Secretary-General of the United Nations to renew his efforts to carry out the mission of good offices entrusted to him by the General Assembly through successive resolutions, with a view to achieving the resumption of negotiations aimed at finding, as soon as possible, a peaceful solution to the above-mentioned dispute, and to inform them of the progress made in the fulfilment of that mission;

3. Furthermore, they reiterate the importance of observing United Nations General Assembly resolution 31/49, which calls upon the two parties to refrain from taking decisions that would imply introducing unilateral modifications in the situation while the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia Islands and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas are going through the process recommended by the General Assembly;

4. They highlight the continuous constructive attitude and willingness of the Argentine Government to reach, by means of negotiations, a peaceful and definitive solution to this anachronistic colonial situation on the soil of the Americas.

Quito, 27 January 2016

Regional Integration and Self-Determination

Speech delivered to the World Bank, Fragility Forum,”The Pacific Way? Mobilizing SDGs for Peace and Security”

March 3, 2016, Washington, D.C., by invitation of the Pacific Island Forum Secretariat. Speakers included: Sarah Mecartney, Pacifc Urban Specialist; Ashwin Raj, Governance, Democracy and Human Rights Specialist; Jane Sansbury, Country Program Coordinator, the World Bank; and Arnie Saiki, Coordinator, Moana Nui Alliance.

Moderated by: Timothy Bryar, Conflict Prevention Advisor, Pacific Island Forum Secretariat.

*****

I’m going to be speaking about regional integration and self-determination in the Pacific Island region in the context of both States and Territories. It may sound strange to speak about a kind of self-determination in this context, because it usually just applies to territories that are still bound by the tethers of Administering Powers. But after yesterday’s conference on the changing landscape of negotiation and dialogue—a discussion that looked at Boko Haram and ISIS as being examples of the changing state and strategic landscape, I’m sure that what I’ll be speaking about will fit right in.

READ FULL TEXT IN IMIPONO PROJECTS .

Reaction to Dutch settlers in the Caribbean dependencies assessed

ABC-islands not fond of European Dutch

TODAY

The Newspaper of Country St. Maarten

LEIDEN – European Dutch and foreigners are not always that welcome in Aruba, Bonaire and Curacao. This appears from new data presented by the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean studies (KITLV), John Samson reports on Caribisch Netwerk.

The researchers asked inhabitants of the Caribbean parts of the kingdom their opinion about the presence of immigrants and tourists. In Curacao, 54 percent says that there are too many European Dutch living on the island and in Aruba that percentage is 42 percent. In Bonaire the sentiment is the most negative: 73 percent. According to KITLV, this has mainly to do with the new constitutional structure that came into being on 10-10-10.

When it is specifically about Dutch tourists, the islanders are not that positive either. In Bonaire and Curacao, 45 percent says that there are too many tourists arriving from the Netherlands. According to lead researcher Wouter Veenendaal there are a remarkable number of complaints about the way Dutch tourists behave on the islands. In Aruba on the other hand, 58 percent is positive about the Dutch tourists that come to the island.

West Papuans seek African support on quest for self-determination

Help us fight for independence - West Papua calls on Ghana

The people of West Papua are sending desperate calls on government officials and leaders of Ghana to assist them in their bid to join the United Nations.

Nobel peace prize nominee and Spokesperson for the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), Chief Benny Wenda joined Ghanaians to mark Ghana's 59th independence anniversary on 6th March, 2016. 

During his stay, he interacted with prominent people in the country, including Reverend Dr Fred Deegbe, former head of the Christian Council of Ghana (CCG), and former presidents Kufuor and Rawlings.

Reverend Deegbe prayed for the people of West Papua and Chief Benny Wenda for his visit to Ghana. "God made people and wants people everywhere to be free". He also promised to raise the issue of West Papua at an upcoming church meetings in the USA.

Rev Deegbe who is a Senior Pastor at the Calvary Baptist Church served the CCG as General Secretary from July 2003 until April 2013. 

In a meeting with former President John Agyekum Kufuor and former AU Chair, the former president pledged support for the liberation of the people of West Papua. "It is important that humanity should be central to everything. As a human being you are entitled to humanity. 

In due course humanity will prevail and you will be free." "The whole world will support you. Not even Indonesia can stop it" "Ghana was once a colony for 100 years, Nkrumah was our liberator, he was a pan africanist and you see yourselves as Africans. What you are doing is the right way. 

The photos of your people bear witness to a true leader of your people. Some of our paramount chiefs wear feathers. The same but eagle feathers. Despite the distances between our places we are the same. Clearly you are not Indonesian."

Former President Jerry John Rawlings has also pledged his support to fight for the independence of the West Papuans. He said "we are honoured to fight for your people. We share a similar history."

"It is no surprise to me that you had support from Ghana at the UN in 1969 and that we accepted West Papuan refugees in the 1980's. West Africa has seen slavery, colonial struggles and independence"

"Chief you find yourself in a very painful situation. I suggest that you contact and lobby every congressman, senator and parliamentarian. The European Commission, the AU and all organisations. Keep knocking and knock again, don't let them sleep"

"We will contribute by reminding them who is still colonised"

"Keep fighting"

Flt Lt Jerry John Rawlings, former President of Ghana made the statements when he met with Chief Benny Wenda, spokesman for the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) and Nobel Peace prize nominee.

All across Africa and around the world people are finding out about Indonesia's Genocide and illegal colonisation of West Papua. West Papua has a legal right to self determination, de colonisation and independence. 

West Papua is the western half of the Melanesian island of New Guinea, in the Pacific Ocean, bordering the independent nation of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It lies just 200km north of Australia and the indigenous Melanesian people have lived there for over 40,000 years. 

West Papua was colonised by the Dutch in 1898 and always administered as “Dutch New Guinea” separate from their “Dutch East Indies” which is now Indonesia. With the promise of independence on 1st December 1970 and on 1st December 1961, the West Papuan national flag was raised with the beginnings of a democratically elected government formed, announcing a 9 year period of peaceful transition towards independence. 

Politics before Papuans But within months the dream was dead. The newly independent state of Indonesia wanted access to West Papua's vast wealth and the military promptly invaded West Papua. Conflict broke out between the Netherlands, Indonesia and the indigenous population regarding control of the territory.

Due to US' fear that failing to appease Indonesia could result in the spread of South East Asian communism, the US government intervened and engineered an agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands, which in 1962 gave control of West Papua to the United Nations and one year later transferred control to Indonesia. 

The Papuans were never consulted and after a sham referendum in 1969 with 1026 people handpicked Papuans being forced to vote for Indonesian sovereignty, West Papua officially became part of Indonesia. 

The military occupation and secret genocide The West Papuan people never accepted Indonesia in their country and ever since 1963, have resisted Indonesian rule, first with bows and arrows and what little guns they could and then with peaceful civil resistance.

The people of West Papua have regularly organise mass protests for self determination and independence and continue to appeal to the international community from speaking out through media to diplomatic pleas by exiled Papuans.

Through a vast wealth of natural resources, like the largest goldmine on Earth (Grasberg), West Papua has become Indonesia’s largest GDP contributor, and with the prospect of an independent West Papua looking with international support, Indonesia does not want Papuans telling the outside world the truth.

Not only has the Indonesian government banned all foreign journalists and human rights groups from West Papua but the Indonesian military and police also systematically target any West Papuans campaigning for independence and brands them as “separatists” and “terrorists”.

Indonesian President Reiterates Support for Palestinian Independence

Indonesian President Reiterates Support for Palestinian Independence

JAKARTA – As the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) summit got underway in Jakarta on Monday, Indonesian President Joko Widodo urged Israel to end its occupation of the Palestinian territories.

The Indonesian leader said in his opening remarks that international patience with the Israeli occupation has “long run out.”

Delegates from 49 of the 57 OIC member countries are attending the summit, which was organized at the request of the Palestinian Authority.

A handful of countries have sent heads of state, while most are represented by foreign ministers or other officials.

The two-day summit will discuss the deteriorating situation in Palestinian territories. A resolution is also expected to be passed reaffirming the group’s support for an independent Palestine.

“Indonesia is consistent in voicing the rights of the peoples of Palestine, including by the establishment of an independent, democratic and viable state of Palestine,” Widodo said in a statement Sunday, as reported by the Jakarta Globe.

Jones Act application a major cause of Puerto Rico economic crisis?

Why Congress Should Care About Puerto Rico

Hawai'i Free Press

by Salim Furth, 

Daily Signal

Puerto Rican legislators and lobbyists have flooded Capitol Hill this year asking Congress to intervene on the debt-ridden island’s behalf. Sadly, the bailouts and bankruptcy law changes that Puerto Rico’s lobbyists seek would benefit Puerto Rico’s government without creating jobs or wage growth for most Puerto Ricans.

Although most congressmen were not elected with Puerto Rico in mind, they were sent to Washington to tame the deficit, to enable job creation, and to protect prosperity. Addressing federal policies that have held Puerto Rico’s economy back will help Congress meet those priorities.

If Puerto Rico does not find a path to prosperity, more Puerto Ricans will give up looking for work and accept welfare or disability benefits, adding to the federal deficit. And without job opportunities at home, more will move to the mainland to look for work. In the hardest-hit congressional districts, where residents have struggled to find work since the end of the recession, adding new job-seekers could extend the slow recovery.

In some ways, Puerto Rico is well integrated into the U.S. economy, buying goods and services from producers all around the U.S. But the maritime Jones Act has severed Puerto Rico from U.S. energy markets. While Puerto Rico is allowed to import natural gas, coal, and oil from Trinidad and Tobago, Colombia, and Venezuela, for example, the Jones Act—which requires that all goods shipped between two U.S. locations be transported on a U.S-built, U.S.-flagged, and 75 percent U.S.-crewed ship—makes imports from Pennsylvania, Wyoming, or Texas untenable. In fact, no tanker routinely supplies Puerto Rico with U.S. energy.

Heritage Foundation research found that job-creating manufacturing has proven untenable in Puerto Rico, due to artificially high prices of energy, shipping, and labor. Without federal legislation that allows those prices to fall to market-determined levels, Puerto Rico will not find its way to robust, job-creating growth.

Bailouts, bankruptcy, and even beneficial fiscal reforms are not going to overcome the basic math: Why do business in Puerto Rico when the costs are higher than anywhere else?

Exempting Puerto Rico from the Jones Act—a privilege already granted to the U.S. Virgin Islands—is the single most important step Congress can take toward enabling economic growth in Puerto Rico. With the Jones Act waived, Puerto Rico’s power companies would be able to replace foreign-sourced oil with cheaper, cleaner, U.S.-sourced natural gas.

Manufacturers in Puerto Rico would no longer be at a cost disadvantage relative to Asia and other Latin American countries when shipping goods to the U.S. And the cost of living in Puerto Rico would fall, allowing residents to stretch their wages further.

Another valuable policy reform would be for Congress to give Puerto Rico the authority to set its own minimum wage. Median wages in Puerto Rico are much lower than in any mainland state, but Puerto Rican employers must pay $7.25 an hour, the federal minimum. As a result, fewer jobs are available, and many Puerto Ricans work off the books for low wages, and without legal protections, and without earning a stake in Social Security and Medicare benefits.

A lower minimum wage, set by Puerto Rico’s own government, would bring some of those workers out of the shadows, enable economic growth, broaden the tax base, and decrease net migration to the mainland.

Congress cannot afford to ignore U.S. citizens whose ability to make a living has been stifled by the Jones Act and a one-size-fits-all minimum wage. The fiscal crisis Puerto Rico faces is really an economic crisis, and a narrow focus on the Commonwealth’s deficits and debt will not overcome the policy barriers to growth that federal policy has erected.

BREXIT THREAT: Spain will ‘take control' of Gibraltar as soon as Britain leaves EU’

SPANISH officials have sent a chilling warning to Britain after claiming they will take Gibraltar the day after Britain potentially exits the European Union.

By CHARLIE PEAT

A Foreign Office spokesman said: “The Prime Minister has made clear that the UKGovernment will meet its constitutional commitments to the people of Gibraltar and will not compromise on sovereignty.

“Our differences with Spain on Gibraltar will be resolved by political means through our relationship as EU partners, not through disproportionate measures such as the border delays we have seen over the past week.

"We have many common interests with Spain and wish to continue to have a strong relationship at every level with the Government of Spain.”

READ THE FULL STORY HERE.

How the United States will STEAL Puerto Rico…a second time

Escrito por Nelson A. Denis

Movimiento Independentista Nacional Hostosiano

The United States is preparing to rule over Puerto Rico through a “Financial Control Board.” U.S. Congressman Jeffrey D. Duncan – Chairman of the House Committee on the Western Hemisphere – is demanding this Financial Control Board right now, immediately, “for the good of the Puerto Rican people.”

Implicit in Duncan’s demand is the unspoken attitude that Puerto Ricans are unfit to manage their own economy, or their own government. The demand also indicates a fundamental misunderstanding of the relationship between Puerto Rico and the U.S.

Let’s try to correct that.

The U.S. “liberated” Puerto Rico from Spain in 1898. Later that year, Hurricane San Ciriaco demolished thousands of the island’s farms and almost the entire year’s coffee crop. Of fifty million pounds, only five million were rescued.

American hurricane relief was strange. The U.S. government sent no money. Instead, the following year it outlawed all Puerto Rican currency and announced the island’s peso, whose international value was equal to the U.S. dollar, to be worth only sixty American cents. Every Puerto Rican lost 40% of their money overnight.

In 1901, the U.S. passed the Hollander Act, which imposed new taxes on every farmer in Puerto Rico.

With higher taxes, crippled farms, and 40% less cash, the farmers had to seek loans from U.S. banks. But with no usury law restrictions, interest rates were so high that within ten years, the farmers defaulted on their loans and the banks foreclosed on their farms.

The banks aggregated all these farms, and turned a diversified island harvest (coffee, tobacco, sugar, and fruit) into a one-crop, cash-cow economy.

READ THE FULL REPORT HERE.

Bonaire activist wants follow-up to Bonaire referendum rejecting 'partial integration (Papiamentu)

Special to Overseas Territories Review

Address of James Finies Nos Ke Boneiru Bek

Bon nochi na : sr Gezaghebber i griffier, miembronan di konseho, deputadonan, i tur presente i na esnan ku ta sigui e reunion aki via di radio o televishon

Awe a bira un dia historiko ku ratifikashon di e resultado di e referendum di 18 desember 2015. Mi ta korda den prome karta ku Hulanda a kontestami na komienso di e lucha aki, nan a skirbi “ku ta stap voor stap nan ta traha”, awel awe nos, Boneiru, tambe a dal un stap mas den e bon direkshon. Ku ta parse chiki i simpel pero ku lo por ta e diferensia den e proseso pa rekobra nos derechonan i felisidat komo pueblo Boneriano bek. 

Pesey nos ta felisita i gradisi nos representashon di pueblo i nos gobiernu ku awe di berdat ta uni bek ku e pueblo i ofisialmente ta ratifika i rekonose i respeta e bos di pueblo.  Boso lo rekonose i respeta i seja 18 desember komo e dia ku e pueblo masalmente a lanta i eksigi un kambio, i a bai urna i a defende su mes ku su uniko arma siviko, sivilisa, i demokratiko ku ta e referendum i a disidi ku 5040 voto No, ku e No ke i No por sigui mas den e situashon ku e la bin ta biba pa 5 anja largu desde 10-10-10. Kaminda ku a bin sistematikamente ta kitando tiki tiki su derechonan i su libertatnan i a rebiba i eksperesia di nobo e dominio i opreshon di wordu goberna pa un gobiernu di un otro un pueblo. 

E mesun pueblo ku a kolonisa nos pa mas ku 300 anja a hanja e oportunidat pa bolbe hasie di nobo,naturalmente den un forma moderno.  Ami sa ku nos no gusta tende di terminonan manera kolonial, ke tene esaki taboe bao di e pueblo, pero despues di 10-10-10 nos ta den un epoka real di neokolonisashon Hulandes, i esaki no ta emoshonal. Neokolonisashon ta nifika, Hulanda ku tin e poder major ta usa manehonan ekonomiko i politiko pa indirektamente i den nos kaso asta direktamente pa influensia un otro pueblo, pues nos pueblo Boneriano. 

Ta esey ta e resultado di 10-10-10 i ta esey nos a eksperensia i ta bibando desde 10-10-10.

Nos ta na altura ku e proseso di kambio aki, ku e pueblo Boneriano sin ningun duda pa interpretashon a demanda e kambio aki, lo no ta fasil, pasobra nos counter-partner Hulanda tin demasiado medionan di poder, demokratiko, ekonomiko, finiansiero, administrativo, edukativo i legal nan su bentaha pa e logra lokual ku Hulanda ke i nos alkontrario a perde kasimente tur.  

Pero awor ku e deseo i desishon i mandato di e pueblo nos ta den posibilidat pa kambia e posishon aki, pueblo a papia i mester respeta mandato i bos di pueblo. Hulanda sigur lo bai na respeta esaki, pasobra Hulanda no por bisa o para riba mas ku “ta boso mes skohe” i “ta boso mes gobiernunan di diferente konstelashon no kier kambia e rumbu aki” 

Pa nos komo Boneiru logra mas i pa nos derechonan wordu respeta nos mester di tur  judansa posibel den e proseso i trajekto aki. Ku esaki nos kier ta spesifiko ku pa logra mas ku Hulanda nos mester di eksplora e posibilidat di involvi instansianan pafor di Boneiru i forma aliansa formal i informal ku otronan den situashon semejante ku nos riba diferente nivel. Si komprende e manera pa konkista i domina un pueblo ta di dividie i esey esnan ku no kier e pueblo aki bon a hasi i lo sigui hasi, dividi nos, i esey nos a bibe pa anjos i a trese nos den e situashon aktual, i nos a sinja di esaki i mira nos a sa di para riba politika i a uni i awe e reunion aki ta resultado di e union aki. 

E tema referendum i derecho di pueblo ta para riba politika. No tin un Boneiru kolo berde, ni kora, ni blou, ni tur e otro kolonan, pero ta un Boneiru nos tin. Pesey por ehempel nos lo mester hasi esfuerso pa uni ku Sint Eustatius ku ta den mesun lucha ku nos, tambe buska aserkamentu ku nos otro rumannan den Reino, tambe riba nivel internashonal, pues varios kaminda ku por juda nos kausa Boneriano.

Den e parti aki nos di Nos Ke Boneiru Bek, nos kier juda un tiki mas, pa juda ku e voto No di e pueblo lo hanja mas forsa pa trese e kambionan nesesario, i ku boso bendishon, ku por ta formal o no-formal, nos kier tuma e inisiativa pa entre otro juda buska posibilidatnan pa reforsa e kausa Boneriano. Un ehempel ta e desishon ku konseho insular a tuma kaba na 2014 i a manda karta pa Hulanda ku e petishon aki, pa re-enskribi nos komo teritorio-sin-propio-gobernashon riba lista di Nashonan Uni i nos ke tuma inisiativa pa eksplora esaki. Den e kaso aki NKBB komo un organisashon independiente, gobiernu lo no ta responsabel pa nos akshonan i ta safe i si nan ta na agrado o ta juda, gobiernu por use sea formal o no-formal, ofisial o no-ofisial pasobra e lo benefisio nos tur. I si no ta e kaso no tin ningun responsabilidat di parti gobiernu mara na esaki.

 Ku otro palabra gobiernu i nos representante nan di pueblo lo tin e ultimo palabra.  I nos ta di opinion ku esaki lo promove i sigui engrandese e union ku ta e kaminda pa nos eksito pasobra nos tur lo sigui lucha i trahando i aspirando lo mehor pa e pueblo Boneriano. 

Si nos logra hanja e aliansa o koperashon i nos kaso jega na e nivel ey, sigur lo juda nos den nos posishon ante Hulanda, pueblo Boneriano a vota na nivel di pueblo, “no”, pueblo no a skohe pa esaki, i awor a skohe i eksigi un kambio. I ku respaldo na e nivel ey, nos lo por tin mas posibilidatnan nobo. Hulanda lo sa di respeta nos union i e akuerdonan di e komunidat internashonal pasobra ta e mes a bai di akuerdo ku esaki nan.                                                    

Por ultimo nos ta di opinion ku nos tin e derechonan aki kaba, ta buska nos tin ku buska pa realisa esakinan, di un manera o otro. Pueblo Boneriano no ta dividi mas, nos a uni, esey a sosode 18 desember i awe boso ta ratifika i rekonose i duna respet na esaki i nos por sigui padilanti huntu, nos tur uni ku e mesun meta, pa realisa nos derechonan ku mester soru pa trese bek bienestar i felisidat pa e pueblo Boneriano.

Danki i bon nochi.

James Finies, Nos Ke Boneiru Bek.  

Speech James Finies di NKBB den konseho insular reunion 23 feb 2016 tokante referendum ((Papiamentu)

Special to Overseas Territories Review

worldatlas.com

Statement by 

James Finies, Nos Ke Boneiru Bek 

Bon nochi na : sr Gezaghebber i griffier, miembronan di konseho, deputadonan, i tur presente i na esnan ku ta sigui e reunion aki via di radio o televishon

Awe 23 di februari sigur ta un dia importante pasobra ta bai diskuti riba e topiko resultado di referendum. Pues e derecho esklusivo di nos pueblo pa por disidi su mes riba su futuro.  Esaki ta e derecho di outo determinashon di e pueblo Boneriano ku ta un derecho humano ku ta pertenese na ami i tur otro Boneriano.

Den e kaso aki , e topiko di referendum, ta un kaminda basta largu a kana , hopi kos a okuri, ku e 5 minuut aki nunka lo jega pa relata tur lokual ku e representashon di e pueblo Boneriano i nan gobiernunan a presta riba e tereno aki desde 2004 bini ariba ku a kulmina na 10-10-10 den destrui i desmantela e pais Antias. Den nos kaso kreashon di e struktura estatal aktual, entegrando nos parsialmente i hinkando nos den konstitushon Hulandes bao di artikulo 134 komo Entidat Publiko, komo islanan BES. BES ku ta inklui tambe Saba i Statia, pues e islanan mas chiki i vulnerabel di e pais i pueblo Antiano, Hulanda a aneksa e islanan aki bao di preshon, i a hinka nos den e struktura temporal aki pa 5 anja. I esaki kontra voto demokratiko di e pueblo di Statia i tambe sin aprobashon legal di e pueblo Boneriano, ku nunka tabata na altura di e konsekuensia di `nan eskoho. Esaki violando i trapando e base di ley internashonal konserniendo derechonan fundamental di outodeterminashon. 

I ku e struktura aki lo keda vigente te ku 2015 ora evalua, lokual ku a sosede ku resultado konosi, ku obviamente tabata un frakaso i nos gobiernu a wordu deskribi den e raport aki komo esun ku prinsipalmente a hanja mayoria kulpa den esaki. Awor mester bai na disidi i traha riba un struktura definitivo.

Resumiendo en korto:

-E resultado di referendum di 2004 i akuerdonan politiko pa e struktura BES despues di 10-10-10  nunka tabatin un fundamento o base legal di akuerdo ku ley internashonal, e pueblo nunka tabata na altura di konsenkuensia di su eskoho i nunka a ratifika o legalisa esaki.                           -E 

resultado di referendum di desember 2010 pueblo demokratikamente a rechasa e inkorporashon den e konstitushon Hulandes bao di artikulo 134. Raport di mesun Boersma ku awe sigur ta tema di diskushon a raporta negativo riba esaki i aun mas peor ta ku e supervishon di Nashonan Uni, Sra Luethy, ku a bisami personalmente den un kombersashon ofisial, pero a pidimi pa nunka ripiti e kombersashon ey, pasobra ku e lo bai raporta tambe negativo kontra e referendum ey, te ku awe e raport aki no a mira lus di dia. Ni Boneiru ni Hulanda ni Nashonan Uni no tin e raport aki, anto awe ke bai diskuti tokante raport? Esaki no ta aseptabel i tambe nada otro ku lo bai kontra bos i eskoho demokratiko di e pueblo Boneriano. E 5040 votonan NO mester wordu respeta!                                                            

-Ku e resultado di e referendum di 18 desember 2015, pueblo demokratikamente a rekonfirma su posishon ku e no ta di akuerdo ku e kontenido ku a wordu duna na su eskoho sin kontenido di referendum di 2004. Esaki ta e uniko konklushon di e resultado, no purba na inteprete di ningun otro forma, pasobra si e pueblo a vota Si, awe henter e proseso i struktura ku nos ta den awe Si lo a bira legal. Pesey e eskoho No, 66% a rechasa esaki i awe e struktura aki no tin base legal definitivamente i ta ilegal, pasobra e no tin aprobashon di e pueblo. Esaki ta komprendibel?

O kon tin ku hasie komprendibel pa esnan ku no kier komprende esaki, espesialmente oposishon ku a kampanja pa Si, ku parse ta aki awe ku e intenshon pa kuestiona i ke kambia e desishon di pueblo?                                                                                                                      

-E mesun situashon igual ku na St Eustatius a inkorpore tambe den struktura BES i konstitushon Hulandes tambe kontra deseo i eskoho demokratiko di e pueblo Statiano.              -Ku na St Eustatius, desember 2014 a tene un referendum di struktura estatal kaminda dos  tersera parti a vota pa outonomia den Reino Hulandes pero ku indikashon di praktikanan di boicot di referendum meskos ku esun di Boneiru di 2010 i 2015.                                                               - Meskos a purba tur sorto di manera pa boycot esun di  Boneiru di18 desember tambe. I e pueblo ku 5 anjana largu a sufri, i boso tur uniko kos ku boso por a bisanan, 5 anja largu, no ta nos, ta Hulanda, nos no por hasi nada, awor boso a hanja kurashi , a uni, i duna e pueblo oportunidat pa usa su poder. I e pueblo a bisa ta basta. I awor kier kambia o hunga politika ku e resultado? Ta problema ta buskando?                                   

-Ku e gobiernu nobo di St Eustatius a ratifika e resultado di nan referendum ku a wordu boicota i lo mester kumpli ku bos i deseo di e pueblo.                                                                  

 -Ku e dos pueblonan di Boneiru i St Eustatius a demonstra konbensientemente i demokratikamente ku nan no ta felis ku e situashon ku a hinka nan den despues di 10-10-10 i a vota kontra e status aktual ku Hulanda den nan referendumnan.

Awor e pregunta na boso, apesar ku boso a eksperensia, pues biba e disgustu i rabia bao di e pueblo Boneriano, ku a protesta, manifesta, hasi tur sorto di kos pa demonstra esaki pa e ultimo anjanan, ku boso no ta rekonose ku henter e situashon ku nos ta den aki ta uno illegal? Ku e no tin ningun fundeshi legal pa sigui persisti ku ne? Ku boso tambe siguiendo ku e rumbo aki ta violando leynan i trapando derechonan fundamental di e pueblo Boneriano? 

Hasi politika ku referendum pa partido i puesto i poder, ta hungando ku e derechonan i futuro i destino di e pueblo aki.

Mi kier pa rekorda boso ku boso a wordu eskohe pa e pueblo pa represente i defende su derechonan i no pa entega o kita esakinan for di dje, loke a okuri desde 10-10-10. Kaminda a entrega e pueblo su derechonan i su poder demokratiko i asta boso poder pa representa boso pueblo den man bek di e mesun ku a kolonisa nos. I nos tur a re-biba nos historia kolonial di nobo, na un forma moderno, pues kiko ta nifika pa wordu domina i oprimi, di nobo, nos a eksperiensa e desesperashon i inkapasidat di gran parti di nos pueblo kaminda mayoria di nan a entrega. Asta boso mes no tabata mira salida for di e trampa ku nos ta den aki, e jamada pa un referendum a dune e pueblo un speransa bek, nos lucha i sakrfisio sobre-humano pa por juda konvense boso pa duna e pueblo e oportunidat, su derecho pa papia. 

I awor pueblo su bos a resona i a duna boso bek e mandato legal demokratiko pa tuma nos poder bek i asina boso por ta esnan responsabel pa juda e pueblo rekobra su prosperidat i felisidat bek. Ta esaki ta bai diskuti ku e referendum ku esaki tin balides? 

Nos lo no asepta esaki di ningun forma. I pa rekorda o refreska memoria o pa esnan ku no sa, ku referendum ta un mekanismo demokratiko ku a wordu implementa, despues di segunda guera mundial, pa evita guera i promove pas, i ta na lugar di guera pa un pueblo por defende su mes na un manera siviko. I nos tur ta bon na altura ku bida di hende mester wordu respeta i esun ku kita esaki for di e otro ta un kriminal ku lo wordu persigui i kondena.

Pero ku den guerra esaki si ta posibel pa kita bida di e otro legalmente, pues esey nifika un referendum. Evita ku nos mester jega dje lew ey ku nos tin defende nos libertat ku nos bida, pasobra esaki tambe ta nos derecho i ta legal pa por defende nos derecho i libertat ku tur medio posibel.

Apesar di dokumentonan, raportnan, analisnan di ekspertonan legal, ets, pero parse ku politika, puesto i poder, ta mas importante ku ley i derecho, ta pesey nos ta bai na e nivel aki awe, pa rekorda, ku si nos sakrifisio no tabata basta i sufisiente pa bira konsiente kiko ta posibel ora hende ta kapas pa hasi, ora sin interes o agenda den nada, solamente pa protega su derecho i libertat i pa por pasa esakinan pa su siguiente generashonan, i ku ta boso ta responsabel, pasobra referendum ta uniko responsabilidat ku por juda e pueblo Boneriano ku boso a keda ku ne despues di 10-10-10, i ta boso ta responsabel si mester bai na sakrifika mas pa nos derechonan i nos libertat wordu respeta i rekobra i restora.

Pueblo a papia, 5040 voto NO, no por tin ningun duda riba esaki hamas , niun otro impretashon, ni tampoko purba kamoufla i o bini ku ningun maniobra pa tene e pueblo den e mes un estado aki kaminda e ta wordu domina i oprimi i ta infelis. Pues nos ta roga boso, pa komprende ku e asuntu aki ta hopi serio i ta para riba ego personal o politika partidista i ta pa e pueblo Boneriano den su totalidat.

Sperando ku boso lo refleha i boso konsenshi guia boso direkshon kaminda hustisia i derecho di e pueblo Boneriano lo prevalese den boso desishonan awe i padilanti ku lo ta determinante pa nos futuro i nos destino.

Danki i bon nochi.

See Also:

Self-determination referendum for Bonaire being sabotaged

Bonaire group petitions for self-determination referendum

Bonaire activist informs Netherlands of violation of the constitutional wishes of the people of Bonaire and St Eustatius

Bonaire Government requests U.N. listing as non self-governing territory

Bonaire continues to face political challenges to referendum

Indigenous leaders murdered in Columbia and Honduras

Colombian Indigenous Leader Dies of Gunshot Wounds

BOGOTA – An indigenous leader in the southwestern province of Cauca died of wounds received during what appears to have been an attempted robbery, Colombian authorities said Thursday.

William Alexander Oime Alarcon, governor of the Rio Blanco indigenous reserve, was shot Wednesday in downtown Popayan, the provincial capital, by a pair of unidentified assailants traveling on a motorcycle.

The victim died hours later at San Jose Hospital in Popayan.

The shooting was denounced on Wednesday by the office of Colombia’s national ombudsman, which described Oime Alarcon as an indigenous leader known for his opposition to illegal mining in Cauca.

Oime Alarcon, 43, was carrying 20 million pesos ($6,250) in cash that he had just withdrawn from a bank, police said, suggesting the motive for the assault was robbery.

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Indigenous Leader Berta Caceres Killed in Honduras

See also: 

Remembering Berta Cáceres, Assassinated Honduras Indigenous & Environmental Leader

TEGUCIGALPA – Berta Caceres, a Honduran indigenous leader who led demonstrations against hydroelectric projects in her homeland, was killed early Thursday at her residence in the western city of La Esperanza, a human rights activist said.

Two armed men apparently arrived at Caceres’ house at around 1:00 a.m. and shot her dead, Hugo Maldonado, the president of the Committee for the Defense of Human Rights in Honduras, or Codeh, told reporters.

As a founder and coordinator of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras, or Copinh, Caceres headed up demonstrations against hydroelectric projects in the western part of the Central American country that she said threatened natural resources.

Caceres, a Lenca Indian and mother of four, was awarded the 2015 Goldman Environmental Prize in recognition of her grassroots efforts to protect natural resources in western Honduras.

She also led protests against the June 28, 2009, coup that ousted then-President Manuel Zelaya.

The activist had denounced death threats against her and members of her family on several occasions.

One of her brothers, Gustavo Caceres, urged President Juan Orlando Hernandez to ensure that the homicide would not merely add to the country’s violent crime statistics, calling for the murder to be cleared up and the perpetrators punished.

He reminded journalists that his sister had been killed despite measures put in place to protect her.

Caceres always stood up for what she believed in but never used a weapon to protest because “her weapon was her voice” in denouncing human rights violations and the destruction of natural resources, he added.

Violent crime claims an average of 13 lives per day in Honduras, according to official figures.

Tokelau takes delivery of its new boat

TOKELAU GOVT/PACNEWS

The brand-new Tokelau ferry “Mataliki” snuck quietly into Apia port on Wednesday , awaited by staff of the Tokelau Transport and Support Services (TSS) Department.

The ship was designed in London and built in Bangladesh at a total cost of over NZ$12 million (US$8 million), funded by the New Zealand government.

Upon arrival on a beautiful calm morning, Mataliki was decked out in international signal flags for numbers and the letters of the alphabet. This ancient form of marine communication won’t ever need to be put to use seriously, it is hoped, as the ship is equipped with the most modern satellite navigation and communications technology - there’s even WiFi on board for its crew and passengers, so has been promised.

TSS Director Asofa Fereti said the new boat’s arrival was the end product of years of negotiations and team work between colleagues in NZ MFAT and TALO. Many technical people were engaged to provide input into the initial design and further modifications.

“It’s a dream come true for Tokelau”,Fereti said. “We have been waiting for this moment for a long time; let’s hope the vessel proves worth the wait.”

Delivery of the boat from Bangladesh was a year behind schedule because there had been problems with the stability of the boat in its initial design. This has now been fixed and the boat has been making its successful voyage from the shipping yards in Chittagong, Bangladesh since 29 December.

Mataliki stopped over in Singapore for a week, departing there on 12 January and making refueling stops at the ports of Dili, East Timor on 18 January and in Honiara, Solomon Islands on 27 January. The vessel’s crew comprised mostly Tongans including Chief Engineer Tolati Fifita. They had first been flown in from Tonga for the sea trials last year, and then again for the entire voyage to Apia.

The crew included one Tokelauan, Lamesa Mataga. Both the Master, Steve Christieson and First Mate, Allan Dillon had been flown in from New Zealand for the journey.

The new Tokelau ferry replaces a succession of charters from the Samoa Shipping Corporation: the Fasefulu and Lady Naomi have been supplementing trips by the PV Matua which has been doing regular, approximate fortnightly trips for several years until its engine broke down in July last year.

Operations of the new boat will be jointly managed by the Tokelau Transport Department and the company Transport and Marine – whose Operations Manager Dick Mogridge was on hand to also sign off on arrival of the boat in Apia.

Mataliki is capable of transporting up to 60 international passengers at a time, and a relatively small amount of cargo for the three Tokelau atolls Atafu, Nukunonu and Fakaofo. It can carry up to 120 passengers between the atolls.

Tokelau’s population of about 1,400 people is entirely dependent on shipping for people and goods, as there are no flights to and from the islands. The length of the trip to Tokelau will not change much as a result of the new boat. With a cruising speed of 11.5 knots, Mataliki is still expected to take at least 24 hours for a one-way journey from Apia to the nearest atoll, and 4-6 hours between the three villages.

Mataliki is intended to continue a fortnightly service between Apia and Tokelau, interspersed with freighters such as the Fasefulu that will still be chartered for goods and particularly fuel transport. Mataliki has been designed mainly for passenger transport, and passengers will find it a lot more comfortable than previous vessels. There are a greater number of proper berths to sleep in; there’s even a sick room for medical evacuations between hospitals. Solar panels will be mounted on the rooftop of the passenger deck to help reduce power consumption.

Mataliki’s maiden voyage to Tokelau is planned to start on 1 March. This will be just in time for the General Fono that is due to take place in Fakaofo from 7 to 10 March; the new boat will than also be officially welcomed by the people of Tokelau. They have been waiting a long time to take possession of their very own vessel: let’s hope they will be able to put it to best use for a long time to come.

Resolución para la Descolonización de Puerto Rico

“...se hace evidente que necesitamos unos poderes que no tenemos y que están conculcados por Estados Unidos."

Resolución aprobada en la Asamblea Nacional del Movimiento Independentista Nacional Hostosiano realizada en el municipio de Cataño, Puerto Rico 

el 31 de enero de 2016

El escenario político de Puerto Rico en el 2016 se dibuja como uno de grandes retos para los puertorriqueños, tanto en el plano político como en el económico y social. El cuestionamiento creciente al Estado Libre Asociado, reafirma y profundiza las opiniones que llevaron a un voto mayoritario de los puertorriqueños en contra del ELA en las elecciones del 2012. Se observan condiciones extraordinarias que empiezan a perfilar una coyuntura que puede permitir atender dichos retos, avanzando en el proceso de descolonización de Puerto Rico.

Para grandes sectores de nuestro pueblo, “la crisis que vive Puerto Rico, que se ha agudizado en los pasados tres años, ha dejado claro que el ELA ya no tiene posibilidades de desarrollo y que no puede atender nuestros problemas más urgentes”¹. Para muchos “se hace evidente que necesitamos unos poderes que no tenemos y que están conculcados por Estados Unidos”² como resultado de la relación colonial de Puerto Rico a partir de la invasión militar de Estados Unidos.

Nuevamente se ha puesto en evidencia la condición colonial de Puerto Rico y su subordinación a los Estados Unidos y a las decisiones del Congreso estadounidense. Pero esta ocasión son los mismos funcionarios del gobierno estadounidense quienes se encargan de desenmascarar la patraña colonial del ELA.

La opinión emitida el pasado 20 de marzo del 2015 por el Tribunal Supremo de Puerto Rico en el caso de Pueblo v. Sánchez Valle et al. inició un proceso de discusión pública que nuevamente saca a la luz pública la condición colonial de Puerto Rico. Por su parte, las declaraciones del Secretario de Justicia estadounidense en su petición de amigo de la corte del proceso de revisión ante el Tribunal Supremo estadounidense corroboran la condición colonial.

Por cuanto:

- Como hemos reiterado en muchas ocasiones, los principales problemas de Puerto Rico son causados por nuestra situación colonial y la falta de poderes soberanos.

- La desigual repartición de recursos y oportunidades, propia del sistema capitalista, agudizan los problemas que sufren los puertorriqueños por la condición colonial.

- Estos problemas no se resolverán mediante el uso exclusivo del proceso eleccionario, sino como resultado de las luchas organizadas de la nación puertorriqueña, entre las cuales se encuentran los procesos electorales.

- El sistema político instaurado en Puerto Rico por el imperialismo estadounidense a partir del establecimiento del ELA es controlado por el imperialismo estadounidense. Representado en Puerto Rico por una clase política dependiente e incondicionalmente favorecedora de la condición colonial. En unión a los subsidios y subvenciones, la estructura jurídica estadounidense y su presencia militar y policiaca en Puerto Rico, dicha clase política ha sido utilizada para darle legitimidad a la intervención militar, política y económica estadounidense.

- Los dos partidos políticos que se han alternado en la administración colonial durante las últimas décadas, el Partido Popular Democrático (PPD) y el Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP), son dominados por dicha clase política y comparten tanto su naturaleza colonialista, como una visión de clase que los convierte en defensores del capital y en antagonistas de los intereses de los trabajadores y trabajadoras puertorriqueños; están descalificados como alternativa a los problemas que aquejan a Puerto Rico.

- La coyuntura actual, que se ha ido perfilando con la crisis social, económica y política que sufre Puerto Rico, y el cada vez mayor cuestionamiento de la condición colonial y del Estado Libre Asociado en particular, nos abre las puertas para la convergencia de las fuerzas políticas, sociales, etc. de la sociedad puertorriqueña que creen en la imperiosa necesidad de la descolonización de Puerto Rico y el reclamo de la soberanía.

- La necesidad de la unidad en la acción de las fuerzas anticolonialistas y pro soberanía cobra mayor relevancia ante la posibilidad que las fuerzas imperialistas estadounidenses y los colonialistas incondicionales de Puerto Rico pretendan enmascarar nuevamente la colonia con un ELA disque “mejorado” cuyo efecto sería extender por muchos años más el dominio colonial estadounidense de nuestra patria.

Por tanto:

- El Movimiento Independentista Nacional Hostosiano (MINH) convoca al Pueblo Puertorriqueño a que: 

Reclamemos la descolonización de Puerto Rico y la transferencia de poderes soberanos y se dé paso a un proceso de libre determinación en el que se garantice el derecho inalienable a nuestra independencia.

Se unan a la convocatoria para constituir en los próximos meses una entidad con el carácter de una Asamblea Nacional con el propósito de lograr la descolonización de Puerto Rico y el reclamo de la soberanía, que se pudiera llamar “Asamblea Nacional Para el Reclamo de Nuestra Soberanía”. Con este propósito se convocaría a representantes de organizaciones políticas, sociales, culturales, ambientales, comunitarias, profesionales, religiosas, deportivas, empresariales, sindicales, cooperativistas, educativas, etc. que estén de acuerdo con dicho propósito de lograr la descolonización de Puerto Rico y el reclamo de la soberanía. Esta “Asamblea Nacional” desarrollaría esfuerzos para realizar cualquier acción dirigida a cumplir dicho propósito y para desarrollar un Plan de Acción con el cuál enfrentar la crisis de Puerto Rico. Dicho Plan de Acción podría incluir:

a. Reclamar al Presidente estadounidense que dé los pasos para la transferencia de los poderes soberanos al Pueblo de Puerto Rico.

b. Solicitar que Estados Unidos resarza al pueblo de Puerto Rico los daños ocasionados por la invasión y colonización por más de 118 años.

c. Reclamar que se constituya una Asamblea Constitucional de Estatus.

d. Promover que se audite la deuda y se evalúe  las actuaciones ilegales y corruptas que han llevado a acumular dicha deuda.

e. Reclamar que Estados Unidos asuma el pago de la deuda.

f. Reclamar la liberación inmediata de los presos políticos puertorriqueños: Oscar López Rivera y Ana Belén Montes.

g. Solicitar a las organizaciones internacionales que apoyen activamente el reclamo de descolonización, de transferencia de poderes y soberanía, y el derecho inalienable a la independencia del Pueblo de Puerto Rico.

h. Solicitar la solidaridad y el apoyo a estos reclamos por parte de los pueblos del mundo.

- El MINH aspira a: que dicha “Asamblea Nacional Para el Reclamo de Nuestra Soberanía” pueda constituirse  en la entidad que represente el reclamo de descolonización y por la soberanía de nuestro pueblo, y en particular durante el proceso electoral del 2016; y se pueda instrumentar el Plan de Acción lo antes posible.

- Por tanto: Esta Asamblea Nacional  del MINH instruye a la Dirección Nacional del MINH y los cuerpos de dirección de la organización para que den los pasos para cumplir con lo dispuesto en esta resolución.

1. Alejandro Torres Rivera, 2 de enero de 2016. Más allá de la doble exposición: la dimensión política del caso Pueblo v. Sánchez para el futuro de las relaciones políticas entre Puerto Rico y Estados Unidos.

2. Idem.