Panama Afro-Descendants Express Solidarity with the Raizal Community in demonstration in San Andres, Western Caribbean

SAN ANDRES PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATION OVER POLITICAL CRISIS MET WITH COLOMBIAN RIOT POLICE

The peaceful demonstration led by leaders of the indigenous Raizal community of San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina in front of the government headquarters in San Andre was held in the wake of the imposition of Colombian military governance of the archipelago. The civic action was met with a large contingent of military police, clad in full riot gear, who sought to remove the demonstrators by force. The Raizal leaders stood their ground. The civic action was taken in the wake of the violation of current law which requires civilian governance by a resident of the territory.  

San Andrés en el Caribe oeste víctima de cambio climático

El Isleño

San Andrés, región más afectada por el cambio climático

J

San Andrés sería el departamento más afectado por cuenta del calentamiento global, según lo dio a conocer la Tercera Comunicación Nacional sobre Cambio Climático en Colombia. Vaupés, Amazonas, Guainía y Atlántico, son en su orden, son otros puntos geográficos con potencial amenaza.

Señala también el informe, que los 20 departamentos con mayor riesgo en el país representan el 69 % del PIB nacional y albergan al 57 % de la población.  Además, que Colombia estaría en riesgo de perder 23.000 hectáreas de línea costera en el Caribe y 26.000 en el Pacífico.

La Tercera Comunicación, fue construida colectivamente por el Ministerio de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sostenible; el Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP) y la Cancillería de Colombia, programa liderado por el Instituto de Hidrología, Meteorología y Estudios Ambientales (Ideam); con el apoyo permanente del Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD) y del Fondo para el Medio Ambiente Mundial (FMAM).

Leer el artículo completo en El Isleño.

PROVIDENCIA & SANTA CATALINA, COMMEMORATE EMANCIPATION

The Western Caribbean islands of San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina are presently under Colombia jurisdiction

Asamblea del Pueblo Raizal invita a reunión este 7 de enero

El Isleño.com

Con un espíritu de unión, hermandad y buena voluntad, que intenta incluir y construir un espacio transparente para todos, la Asamblea del Pueblo Raizal ha adoptado nuevas disposiciones referentes a sus comunicados, con lo que espera mejorar significativamente su relación con todos los estamentos de la comunidad. (información bilingüe) 

Esta decisión se toma luego de evidenciar las continuas dificultades que se han tenido para comunicar de forma efectiva las reuniones, decisiones y convocatorias, lo que se ha traducido en una serie de malentendidos que afectaron directamente al poder decisorio y la legitimidad de la Asamblea.

Para una plenaria efectiva es necesaria la presencia de la mayor cantidad de personas pertenecientes a nuestro Pueblo Raizal. Por lo anterior:

1. A partir de la fecha, la Asamblea del Pueblo Raizal se pronunciará de forma única a través de comunicados escritos dirigidos al Pueblo Raizal, comunidad general, medios de comunicación y medios alternativos. Todos estos serán emitidos por la red social Facebook, órgano de comunicación oficial designado por la Asamblea. De igual modo, se realizará una labor de difusión informal que incluirá comunicación puerta a puerta, reuniones en los barrios, volantes, cartas dirigidas a las iglesias y sus miembros, entre otros.

2. Se convoca a todo el Pueblo Raizal a una reunión el próximo sábado 7 de enero, en la Casa de la Cultura Tamarind Tree, a las 2:00 p.m. En esta importante reunión se trataran los siguientes temas:

• Organización del congreso del Pueblo Raizal.
• Discusión de herramientas participativas para el Pueblo Raizal.
• Discusión de problemáticas varias.

Recuerda seguirnos por el nuevo canal de comunicación:

Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Dihraizalasembly/

Contamos con su participación.
Asamblea del Pueblo Raizal.

Colombia’s San Andres Island, a Jewel in the Caribbean

Latin American Herald Tribune

SAN ANDRES, Colombia – San Andres Island has become a jewel for Colombia’s tourism industry, giving visitors a taste of a vibrant urban lifestyle and the beauty of the sea.

San Andres, located in the Caribbean Sea off the coast of Nicaragua, is a UNESCO biosphere reserve and its waters harbor the third-largest barrier reef in the world, a natural feature that is only smaller than those in Australia and Belize.

San Andres, just a two-hour flight from Colombia’s capital, Bogota, is the largest island in an archipelago that also includes Providencia and Santa Catalina islands, as well as 18 keys.

San Andres is also the largest island in the group, with an area of 26 sq. kilometers (10 sq. miles) and about 70,000 year-round residents.

The government has banned new construction on the island unless developers undergo a rigorous process, investing a large sum and demonstrating that the project will benefit San Andres and its residents.

Most of the lodging is British-style bed and breakfast offerings, providing visitors with an affordable stay that brings them into contact with locals.

The archipelago’s big draw, however, is nature, with an estimated 10 percent of the world’s marine plants and animals living in its waters.

One surprise for many visitors is the large military presence in the islands, with the Colombian armed forces deployed in the area to fight drug trafficking and provide a show of force in the face of Nicaragua’s claims to the archipelago.

Anti-Colonialism Day marked on April 24 across the globe

TeleSur

April 24 mark(ed) World Anti-Colonialism Day and teleSUR English takes a look at the current and former anti-colonial struggles in Latin America and the Caribbean.

On April 24, 1955, 29 “non-aligned” nations from Africa, the Middle East and Asia concluded the historically significant Afro-Asia Conference, or what was more popularly known as the “Bandung Conference,” a landmark event on anti-imperialism, anti-racism, anti-colonialism and anti-militarization in the midst of an escalating Cold War.

Held in Bandung, Indonesia the meeting brought together revolutionaries from around the world, who condemned Western imperialism and colonialism.

April 24 also marks the Easter Rebellion by the Irish people against British rule. The uprising represents a refusal of British imperial rule by Irish revolutionaries who denounced the empire's unfair and oppressive occupation.

READ THE FULL REPORT HERE .

Speech James Finies di NKBB den konseho insular reunion 23 feb 2016 tokante referendum ((Papiamentu)

Special to Overseas Territories Review

worldatlas.com

Statement by 

James Finies, Nos Ke Boneiru Bek 

Bon nochi na : sr Gezaghebber i griffier, miembronan di konseho, deputadonan, i tur presente i na esnan ku ta sigui e reunion aki via di radio o televishon

Awe 23 di februari sigur ta un dia importante pasobra ta bai diskuti riba e topiko resultado di referendum. Pues e derecho esklusivo di nos pueblo pa por disidi su mes riba su futuro.  Esaki ta e derecho di outo determinashon di e pueblo Boneriano ku ta un derecho humano ku ta pertenese na ami i tur otro Boneriano.

Den e kaso aki , e topiko di referendum, ta un kaminda basta largu a kana , hopi kos a okuri, ku e 5 minuut aki nunka lo jega pa relata tur lokual ku e representashon di e pueblo Boneriano i nan gobiernunan a presta riba e tereno aki desde 2004 bini ariba ku a kulmina na 10-10-10 den destrui i desmantela e pais Antias. Den nos kaso kreashon di e struktura estatal aktual, entegrando nos parsialmente i hinkando nos den konstitushon Hulandes bao di artikulo 134 komo Entidat Publiko, komo islanan BES. BES ku ta inklui tambe Saba i Statia, pues e islanan mas chiki i vulnerabel di e pais i pueblo Antiano, Hulanda a aneksa e islanan aki bao di preshon, i a hinka nos den e struktura temporal aki pa 5 anja. I esaki kontra voto demokratiko di e pueblo di Statia i tambe sin aprobashon legal di e pueblo Boneriano, ku nunka tabata na altura di e konsekuensia di `nan eskoho. Esaki violando i trapando e base di ley internashonal konserniendo derechonan fundamental di outodeterminashon. 

I ku e struktura aki lo keda vigente te ku 2015 ora evalua, lokual ku a sosede ku resultado konosi, ku obviamente tabata un frakaso i nos gobiernu a wordu deskribi den e raport aki komo esun ku prinsipalmente a hanja mayoria kulpa den esaki. Awor mester bai na disidi i traha riba un struktura definitivo.

Resumiendo en korto:

-E resultado di referendum di 2004 i akuerdonan politiko pa e struktura BES despues di 10-10-10  nunka tabatin un fundamento o base legal di akuerdo ku ley internashonal, e pueblo nunka tabata na altura di konsenkuensia di su eskoho i nunka a ratifika o legalisa esaki.                           -E 

resultado di referendum di desember 2010 pueblo demokratikamente a rechasa e inkorporashon den e konstitushon Hulandes bao di artikulo 134. Raport di mesun Boersma ku awe sigur ta tema di diskushon a raporta negativo riba esaki i aun mas peor ta ku e supervishon di Nashonan Uni, Sra Luethy, ku a bisami personalmente den un kombersashon ofisial, pero a pidimi pa nunka ripiti e kombersashon ey, pasobra ku e lo bai raporta tambe negativo kontra e referendum ey, te ku awe e raport aki no a mira lus di dia. Ni Boneiru ni Hulanda ni Nashonan Uni no tin e raport aki, anto awe ke bai diskuti tokante raport? Esaki no ta aseptabel i tambe nada otro ku lo bai kontra bos i eskoho demokratiko di e pueblo Boneriano. E 5040 votonan NO mester wordu respeta!                                                            

-Ku e resultado di e referendum di 18 desember 2015, pueblo demokratikamente a rekonfirma su posishon ku e no ta di akuerdo ku e kontenido ku a wordu duna na su eskoho sin kontenido di referendum di 2004. Esaki ta e uniko konklushon di e resultado, no purba na inteprete di ningun otro forma, pasobra si e pueblo a vota Si, awe henter e proseso i struktura ku nos ta den awe Si lo a bira legal. Pesey e eskoho No, 66% a rechasa esaki i awe e struktura aki no tin base legal definitivamente i ta ilegal, pasobra e no tin aprobashon di e pueblo. Esaki ta komprendibel?

O kon tin ku hasie komprendibel pa esnan ku no kier komprende esaki, espesialmente oposishon ku a kampanja pa Si, ku parse ta aki awe ku e intenshon pa kuestiona i ke kambia e desishon di pueblo?                                                                                                                      

-E mesun situashon igual ku na St Eustatius a inkorpore tambe den struktura BES i konstitushon Hulandes tambe kontra deseo i eskoho demokratiko di e pueblo Statiano.              -Ku na St Eustatius, desember 2014 a tene un referendum di struktura estatal kaminda dos  tersera parti a vota pa outonomia den Reino Hulandes pero ku indikashon di praktikanan di boicot di referendum meskos ku esun di Boneiru di 2010 i 2015.                                                               - Meskos a purba tur sorto di manera pa boycot esun di  Boneiru di18 desember tambe. I e pueblo ku 5 anjana largu a sufri, i boso tur uniko kos ku boso por a bisanan, 5 anja largu, no ta nos, ta Hulanda, nos no por hasi nada, awor boso a hanja kurashi , a uni, i duna e pueblo oportunidat pa usa su poder. I e pueblo a bisa ta basta. I awor kier kambia o hunga politika ku e resultado? Ta problema ta buskando?                                   

-Ku e gobiernu nobo di St Eustatius a ratifika e resultado di nan referendum ku a wordu boicota i lo mester kumpli ku bos i deseo di e pueblo.                                                                  

 -Ku e dos pueblonan di Boneiru i St Eustatius a demonstra konbensientemente i demokratikamente ku nan no ta felis ku e situashon ku a hinka nan den despues di 10-10-10 i a vota kontra e status aktual ku Hulanda den nan referendumnan.

Awor e pregunta na boso, apesar ku boso a eksperensia, pues biba e disgustu i rabia bao di e pueblo Boneriano, ku a protesta, manifesta, hasi tur sorto di kos pa demonstra esaki pa e ultimo anjanan, ku boso no ta rekonose ku henter e situashon ku nos ta den aki ta uno illegal? Ku e no tin ningun fundeshi legal pa sigui persisti ku ne? Ku boso tambe siguiendo ku e rumbo aki ta violando leynan i trapando derechonan fundamental di e pueblo Boneriano? 

Hasi politika ku referendum pa partido i puesto i poder, ta hungando ku e derechonan i futuro i destino di e pueblo aki.

Mi kier pa rekorda boso ku boso a wordu eskohe pa e pueblo pa represente i defende su derechonan i no pa entega o kita esakinan for di dje, loke a okuri desde 10-10-10. Kaminda a entrega e pueblo su derechonan i su poder demokratiko i asta boso poder pa representa boso pueblo den man bek di e mesun ku a kolonisa nos. I nos tur a re-biba nos historia kolonial di nobo, na un forma moderno, pues kiko ta nifika pa wordu domina i oprimi, di nobo, nos a eksperiensa e desesperashon i inkapasidat di gran parti di nos pueblo kaminda mayoria di nan a entrega. Asta boso mes no tabata mira salida for di e trampa ku nos ta den aki, e jamada pa un referendum a dune e pueblo un speransa bek, nos lucha i sakrfisio sobre-humano pa por juda konvense boso pa duna e pueblo e oportunidat, su derecho pa papia. 

I awor pueblo su bos a resona i a duna boso bek e mandato legal demokratiko pa tuma nos poder bek i asina boso por ta esnan responsabel pa juda e pueblo rekobra su prosperidat i felisidat bek. Ta esaki ta bai diskuti ku e referendum ku esaki tin balides? 

Nos lo no asepta esaki di ningun forma. I pa rekorda o refreska memoria o pa esnan ku no sa, ku referendum ta un mekanismo demokratiko ku a wordu implementa, despues di segunda guera mundial, pa evita guera i promove pas, i ta na lugar di guera pa un pueblo por defende su mes na un manera siviko. I nos tur ta bon na altura ku bida di hende mester wordu respeta i esun ku kita esaki for di e otro ta un kriminal ku lo wordu persigui i kondena.

Pero ku den guerra esaki si ta posibel pa kita bida di e otro legalmente, pues esey nifika un referendum. Evita ku nos mester jega dje lew ey ku nos tin defende nos libertat ku nos bida, pasobra esaki tambe ta nos derecho i ta legal pa por defende nos derecho i libertat ku tur medio posibel.

Apesar di dokumentonan, raportnan, analisnan di ekspertonan legal, ets, pero parse ku politika, puesto i poder, ta mas importante ku ley i derecho, ta pesey nos ta bai na e nivel aki awe, pa rekorda, ku si nos sakrifisio no tabata basta i sufisiente pa bira konsiente kiko ta posibel ora hende ta kapas pa hasi, ora sin interes o agenda den nada, solamente pa protega su derecho i libertat i pa por pasa esakinan pa su siguiente generashonan, i ku ta boso ta responsabel, pasobra referendum ta uniko responsabilidat ku por juda e pueblo Boneriano ku boso a keda ku ne despues di 10-10-10, i ta boso ta responsabel si mester bai na sakrifika mas pa nos derechonan i nos libertat wordu respeta i rekobra i restora.

Pueblo a papia, 5040 voto NO, no por tin ningun duda riba esaki hamas , niun otro impretashon, ni tampoko purba kamoufla i o bini ku ningun maniobra pa tene e pueblo den e mes un estado aki kaminda e ta wordu domina i oprimi i ta infelis. Pues nos ta roga boso, pa komprende ku e asuntu aki ta hopi serio i ta para riba ego personal o politika partidista i ta pa e pueblo Boneriano den su totalidat.

Sperando ku boso lo refleha i boso konsenshi guia boso direkshon kaminda hustisia i derecho di e pueblo Boneriano lo prevalese den boso desishonan awe i padilanti ku lo ta determinante pa nos futuro i nos destino.

Danki i bon nochi.

See Also:

Self-determination referendum for Bonaire being sabotaged

Bonaire group petitions for self-determination referendum

Bonaire activist informs Netherlands of violation of the constitutional wishes of the people of Bonaire and St Eustatius

Bonaire Government requests U.N. listing as non self-governing territory

Bonaire continues to face political challenges to referendum

Raizal people of San Andres commemorate emancipation

Sergio Estrada J.D. (r) presents paper on "Contesting the International Court of Justice Ruling"  during Emancipation Conference. On left is Professor Fady Ortiz. (OTR Photo)

Professor Fady Ortiz presents paper on "Land and Territory" at Emancipation Conference. (OTR Photo) 

Dr. Carlyle Corbin presents paper on "Self-Determination, Referendum and Decolonization"

Panelists listen intently to questions from the audience following presentation of papers. (Left to right) Mari Margi, Sergio Estrada J.D., Dr. Carlyle Corbin.  

Panelists respond to questions during interactive dialogue

Conference Coordinator Corrine Duffis (center) and other conference participants review the panel presentations. (OTR Photo)

Officials at the head of the Emancipation Parade. (OTR Photo) 

Conference attendee sports Emancipation Tee Shirt - Since 1834! (OTR Photo)

Traditional Dancers go through their steps during intermission in Emancipation Conference. (OTR Photo)

Cultural Dancers perform. (OTR Photo)

More Dancing. (OTR Photo)

Marchers carry Raizal flag during Emancipation Commemoration. (OTR Photo)

Marchers in traditional dress during the Emancipation Parade. (OTR Photo)

Young musicians wow the crowd with their music. (OTR Photo)

Young Musicians marching. (OTR Photo)

More marching musicians. (OTR Photo)

And more marching musicians. (OTR Photo)

People of San Andress gather in park for the Emancipation concert. (OTR Photo)

Conference Coordinator Corrine Duffis (center) is flanked by Dr. Corbin (l) and Attorney Estrada (r) during break in the conference proceedings.

“Voices of Decolonization: A University of Guam Political Status Debate”

Announcement

Ep. 218 “Voices of Decolonization: A UOG Political Status Debate” (hosted by Dr. Michael Lujan Bevacqua with producer Alan Grossman) was recorded 1/16/15 at the University of Guam and airs 4/3/15. 

ns.gov.gu

Guam is one of 17 non-self-governing territories recognized by the United Nations as needing decolonization. Chamorros have been pushing for this for several decades but momentum on the issue has built and waned over time. There has been a resurgence of interest since the start of 2015 as both Governor Eddie Baza Calvo and Congresswoman Madeleine Bordallo highlighted the importance of political status change in their state of the island addresses. 

For the first time in several years the Commission on Decolonization, the government body tasked with helping guide the island towards decolonization has received a modest budget for public education on the issue. 

This episode features a debate over political status courtesy of a Guam History class at the University of Guam, taught by Dr. Michael Lujan Bevacqua. As part of this course, a debate on decolonization is conducted whereby the students are divided into three groups, each representing a different possible political future for Guam (statehood, free association or independence). 

The students research each status, conduct interviews and develop their arguments as to why their particular status would be the best choice. Although the process of formally voting on this political issue is limited to only those who are considered “native inhabitants” of Guam, this exercise shows the importance of non-Chamorros to participate in the discussion as well. 

Vivian Loyola Dames, Ph.D. 

Anchor Host & Coordinator

 Beyond the Fence 

KPRG -89.3FM

303 University Drive

 UOG Station 

Mangilao, GU 96913

Petition to Free the Raizal People from Columbian Colonization

Petition

csmonitor.com

"We are tired of being a Colony of Colombia and of her bad treatment, we are taking back our Land and our Freedom".

The ancestors of the Raizal People voluntarily adhered to Colombia in 1822 ("according to Colombian historians"), thinking it would be a safe relationship; but today, the Raizal People are on their way to extinction under the ethnocidal and genocidal Colombian regime by:
(1) Losing more than 50% of their ancestral land titles. (2) The capital island being intentionallyoverpopulated, today with a density of more than 3.000 inhabitants per km2 causing multiple problems, making it unsustainable environmental, social, economically, giving deaf ears to the pleas by Raizals   (3) Being outnumbered by immigrants and becoming a minority on their ancestral Territory.  (4) Being discriminated in their own land.  (5) Having their Territory ceded to other countries through unconsulted treaties.  (6) Having their traditional peace and welfare affected by Colombia's tolerating and encouraging drug trafficking, money laundering and violence through its corrupted forces and its corrupted political system.

Western Caribbean islands subject of continued territorial dispute

A Territorial Dispute Prompts Colombia and Nicaragua to Beef Up their Navies

Univision

                                      By SANTIAGO WILLS

A ruling from the International Court of Justice in The Hague, granted Nicaragua the areas in pink, while Colombia retained sovereignty over the island of San Andres and a maritime corridor that connects it with mainland Colombia.

elcronistadigital.com

In the past eight months, tensions have flared between Colombia and Nicaragua over a maritime territorial dispute that has led to a local arms race.

Both countries’ armies have announced new weapons purchases as part of an effort to modernize their military, and war is already viewed as an actual possibility by members of both armies.

“We’re not facing an imminent confrontation with this Central American country,” a high-ranking Colombian officer told El Espectador. “But it has become a priority in what we call the ‘sand boxes’ [war training exercises based on possible conflict scenarios], which are nothing more than our troops’ preparation for the worst while hoping for the best.”

The causes of the conflict are fairly recent.

In 2001, Nicaragua sued Colombia at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over a significant portion of Colombian maritime territory. For 11 years, Nicaraguan lawyers argued that nearly 50,000 square kilometers of Colombian sea in truth belonged to the Central American nation. The area in question included the archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia, and Santa Catalina, a group of tropical islands surrounded by coral reefs, which are located 482 miles from the Colombian coast and just 140 miles from Nicaragua, but have been settled by Colombians since the 19th century.

In November 2012, the ICJ ruled that the archipelago and most of the contended territory belonged to Colombia. The court also said, however, that an area containing two islets, potential gas and oil reserves, and a major industrial fishing spot that benefitted San Andrés’ residents, was indeed part of Nicaragua.

As a result of the decision, the relationship between both countries has been steadily strained and the tone has become increasingly hostile, raising concerns about a possible confrontation.

“There is a real necessity to acquire war material to guard these new and vindicated seas,” said Julio César Avilés, head of the Nicaraguan military. “We need new naval resources to insure Nicaragua’s sovereignty over these waters.”

In Colombia, the ICJ’s ruling spurred accusations of international diplomatic foul play, an internal political crisis, and problems between Colombia’s national government and the San Andres community. President Juan Manuel Santos, who rejected the ICJ’s ruling immediately after it was announced, has since called for a commission of experts to review Colombia’s judicial and diplomatic options.

Nicaragua, meanwhile, welcomed the ruling. The Central American country ramped up its activities in the disputed territory, dispatching commercial ships and approving exploratory oil drillings. Nicaragua is also reportedly seeking to buy four Russian warships and several long-range cannons to patrol the area.

For Colombia, a country that is even considering an utter dismissal of the ICJ decision to reclaim the area, Nicaragua’s activities in the contended territory are seen as an affront further increasing the growing tension between the two nations.

“If Nicaragua starts threatening us with these Russian ships, then Colombia must call on other countries to increase its maritime force with other ships,” Colombian Senator Alexandra Moreno Piraquive recently said.

Colombian Defense Minister Juan Carlos Pinzón, speaking shortly after Nicaragua revealed its purported purchases, also warned that the country wouldn’t respond lightly to any provocations.

“Colombia is very respectful of other countries’ sovereignty to acquire new offensive equipment, but let it be clear: no one should dare to enter Colombian territory, no one should dare to violate Colombia’s sovereignty,” Pinzón said.

The chances of a full out war are incredibly slim, though. War is a last resort that both countries would try to avoid at all costs.

Colombia is in the midst of a civil conflict and the government would be unlikely to welcome the opening of a new front in the Caribbean Sea.

Nicaragua, on the other hand, faces a military disadvantage when compared with the South American nation, so it is highly unlikely that it would choose to initiate a confrontation.

Furthermore, Nicaraguan authorities have made an effort to lower the tone of their statements in the past few days.

“We don’t want a war,” Nicaraguan general Julio César Avilés said after being asked about his nation’s weapon purchases. “They are ships with a greater autonomy to navigate those vast spaces. Colombia shouldn’t worry about those acquisitions.