RNZ PACIFIC/PACNEWS
The pro-independence politician Roch Wamytan has been elected as the president of New Caledonia's Congress.
Wamytan of the Caledonian Union secured 29 of the 54 votes after getting the backing of the three members of the new Pacific Awakening party.
He defeated Magali Manuhoalalo of the anti-independence Caledonia Together party who won 25 votes.
Pacific Awakening was tallied as being part of the anti-independence bloc after the provincial elections 12 days ago.
However, the party, which represents mainly ethnic Wallisians and Futunians, decided to endorse Wamytan over Manuhoalalo, who is also an ethnic Wallisian.
The Congress vote has gone against this week's deal struck within the anti-independence camp which had earmarked the Congress presidency for Philippe Michel.
This was agreed after the big winner of the provincial election, Sonia Backes of the Future with Confidence, assumed the presidency of the southern province.
The deal also provides for the presidency of the collegial government to go to Future with Confidence.
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Showing posts with label New Caledonia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label New Caledonia. Show all posts
31 May 2019
Wamytan elected as New Caledonia Congress president
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Asia,
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Self-Determination
01 August 2018
Independence vote rolls released in New Caledonia
Town halls across New Caledonia have published the provisional rolls for the November referendum on independence from France.
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| Photo: RNZ/ Adrienne Baron |
Until 9 August, it is still possible to ask to be registered or to demand that names be struck off.
The rolls are restricted to long-term residents and include more than 173,000 names compared to the general roll which lists more than 210,000 voters.
The final rolls for the plebiscite will be released on the last day of August.
The rolls have been vetted by commissions appointed by the French state after a prolonged period of concern over their make-up.
The pro-independence movement had accused the authorities of allowing thousands of people to be enrolled despite them failing to meet the residency requirements.
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25 June 2018
DECOLONISATION IMPLEMENTATION STRESSED AT U.N. HEARING
united nations press release
GA/COL/3327
22 JUNE 2018
2018 SESSION, 10TH MEETING (AM)
Special Committee on Decolonization Approves 22 Draft Resolutions, Decisions as It Concludes Two-Week Session
The Special Committee on Decolonization concluded its 2018 substantive session today, having approved a total of 22 draft resolutions and decisions on lingering self‑determination questions in Non‑Self‑Governing Territories spanning Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, the South Pacific and beyond for submission to the General Assembly.
Wrapping up its work, the 24‑member panel — formally known as the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples — approved draft resolutions on New Caledonia, French Polynesia, Tokelau, Turks and Caicos Islands and the United States Virgin Islands. It also approved a set of draft conclusions and recommendations emanating from its recent Pacific Regional Seminar on the implementation of the Third International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism — deciding to annex them to its main report to the General Assembly’s seventy‑third session — and approved a wide‑ranging text on the broader implementation of the Declaration.
By the terms of that text, titled “Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples”, the General Assembly would reaffirm its resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960 as well as all other resolutions on decolonization, reiterating that the existence of colonialism in any form or manifestation — including economic exploitation — was incompatible with the Declaration, the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It would reaffirm its determination to take all necessary steps to bring about the complete and speedy eradication of colonialism, and support the aspirations of peoples living under colonial rule around the world. Among other things, the Assembly would call on the administering Powers of the 17 remaining Non‑Self‑Governing Territories to develop and finalize work programmes — on a case‑by‑case basis — to facilitate implementation of all relevant decolonization resolutions.
The case‑by‑case approach took centre stage during the Special Committee’s consideration of the question of French Polynesia, as Carlyle Corbin of the Dependency Studies Project warned that — while useful — that approach must not be misinterpreted as a rationale for legitimizing the political and economic inequality of the dependency status. A general lack of action, including a dearth of studies, analyses and political education programmes, had resulted in limited decolonization progress over the last three decades, he said, arguing: “This often relegates the debate to an exchange of differing opinions between those who recognize the true nature of contemporary colonialism and those who have made an accommodation with it, irrespective of its democratic deficiencies.”
Richard Ariihau Tuheiava of the Tavini Huiraatira Group, an elected member of the French Polynesia Assembly, outlined actions that continued to impede that Territory’s independence and sovereignty. He said the administering Power, France, continued to control its resources and to insist on control over undersea and seabed resources, recalling that the most egregious of its activities had been 30 years of nuclear testing that had impacted the health of native French Polynesians. Expressing concern that the administering Power refused to provide information on the situation on the ground, he said it also maintained full control over the Territory’s “so‑called elections”, held in May 2018.
A second petitioner, Manuel Terrai of the Délégué aux Affaires Internationales, Européennes et du Pacifique, struck a different tone, citing both economic improvements and rapidly advancing self‑governance in French Polynesia. The territorial Government had been actively involved in enhancing its autonomy, he said, pointing out that people had elected 57 representatives to the French Polynesia Assembly, who had in turn elected the President. “Our elections are free and democratic,” he said, stressing that French Polynesia should not be classified as a Territory to be decolonized. He voiced concern that, despite the people’s free expression, members of the Special Committee continued to insist that French Polynesia was not autonomous.
Also addressing the Special Committee was Faipule Afega Gaualofa, Ulu (Titular Head) of Tokelau, a group of atolls in the South Pacific Ocean. Emphasizing that the Territory’s people would never give up their aspiration for self‑determination — and that it was “heading in the right direction” — he nevertheless cautioned that more work was required to strengthen Tokelau’s local capacity, infrastructure and economic development. Referring to the Territory’s warm relationship with the administering Power, New Zealand, he asked the Special Committee to encourage the United Nations system to assist Tokelau and not exclude it from accessing global financing assistance, including climate and environmental assistance.
New Zealand’s representative — the only delegate from an administering Power to formally address the Special Committee during its two‑week session — summarized support provided to Tokelau over the past year, recalling that in 2017, his country had decided to scale up the position of Administrator and appoint someone for whom that role would be the sole focus. In accordance with its obligations under the United Nations Charter, New Zealand had progressively devolved its administrative powers to Tokelau over the past three decades, supporting the Territory’s development of its own governance institutions. While the 2006 referendum had narrowly missed the two‑thirds majority needed to change the Territory’s status, he emphasized that New Zealand had taken note of the close results and supported the will of the people to achieve even greater self‑governance.
In other business, Cuba’s representative delivered a summary of the Special Committee’s visiting mission to New Caledonia from 12 to 16 March 2018.
Also addressing the Special Committee today were Roch Wamytan of the Congress of New Caledonia and Mickael Forrest of the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste.
Representatives of Venezuela, Papua New Guinea, Fiji, Sierra Leone, Indonesia and Ecuador also participated.
Question of New Caledonia
As the Special Committee took up the question of New Caledonia, members had before them a working paper on that item (document A/AC.109/2018/11).
HUMBERTO RIVERO ROSARIO (Cuba), leader of the visiting mission to New Caledonia, introduced the report on the visit (document A/AC./109/2018/20), saying that its objective was to gather first‑hand information on the situation in the Territory in relation to implementation of the 1998 Nouméa Accord. It had also been agreed that the mission would build on the conclusions and recommendations of the previous mission, in 2014, and assess the current situation on the ground.
The mission comprised four members of the Special Committee — Cuba, Indonesia, Iraq and Papua New Guinea — accompanied by two staff from the Secretariat, he said. Its programme consisted of 35 meetings in five days, he said, noting that members had met with the High Commissioner, the territorial Government, the president of the Congress, the Customary Senate, and municipal authorities, among many others. The mission had also visited a number of projects and initiatives, including a public school and a solar power plant, he added.
In its conclusions, the visiting mission observed that the overall security situation in New Caledonia remained calm and peaceful in the lead‑up to the self‑determination referendum, he continued. All parties concerned had underscored the importance of peace, stability and security. The mission had also found that preparations for holding the referendum were on track and well under way. However, many challenges remained, including the need to ensure that the electoral process was acceptable to all parties.
With regard to the referendum’s outcome, many Caledonians remained apprehensive and concerned, he said, emphasizing that all parties must respect the result. Measured progress in the development of infrastructure, education, health and social services, environmental protection and preservation of cultural heritage had been observed under New Caledonia’s rebalancing policy, although much work was still to be done to eliminate inequalities between and within the Territory’s provinces.
He went on to say that the mission had encouraged all stakeholders to work together to ensure implementation of the Nouméa Accord. The mission had also encouraged the administering Power and the territorial Government, as well as other relevant stakeholders, to continue raising awareness about the referendum. Noting that more than 50 per cent of New Caledonia’s population were young people, he said the mission had stressed the importance of taking measures necessary to ensure that adequate education, training and employment opportunities were available for them. It had also emphasized the need to ensure implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and that no one was left behind.
Ms. RODRIGUEZ (Venezuela) welcomed the mission to New Caledonia, expressing satisfaction that the Territory’s people would soon be able to exercise their right to self‑determination. She also thanked the delegation of France for its support in that regard.
MAX HUFANEN RAI (Papua New Guinea), echoing the sentiments expressed by the representative of Cuba, said one of the visit’s main achievements had been the speed with which relevant reports had been approved and submitted to the Special Committee. However, there were discrepancies between the English and French translations of the mission’s report, he said, asking that they be examined.
ROCH WAMYTAN, Congress of New Caledonia, said the people of the Territory would soon hold a milestone vote on their future. Summarizing New Caledonia’s colonial history, he said thousands of convicts had been unloaded on the archipelago, leading to the near extinction of the native inhabitants. After the Second World War, the Kanak people had fought for their rights, and later agreed to a political process intended to lead to their self‑determination. The native inhabitants had opened the Territory up to immigrants, making it a melting pot society, but that did not mean that it had given up the right to future self‑determination, he stressed. Spotlighting the upcoming self‑determination referendum, he called for a specific visiting mission to help the Territory prepare for the vote. Objecting to article XI of the 1998 Nouméa Accord — referring to migrants from France — he said the Special Committee should pay special attention to the referendum’s electoral rolls and procedures. Underlining that New Caledonia could no longer endure any further manipulations, he recalled that the Territory had been removed from the list of Non‑Self‑Governing Territories in 1987, and later relisted, and he did not wish to see the same thing happen again due to “electoral manipulations and political intrigue” in the referendum.
MICKAEL FORREST, Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS), said that the parties to the Nouméa Accord had recently decided the date of the referendum, which would be the first opportunity to be liberated from French colonialism. “It has been a long, long road,” he added, stressing that the Kanak people must be able to regain their dignity. The Special Committee had been consistently involved in ensuring respect for decolonialization with its visiting and observer missions to New Caledonia. Welcoming today’s draft resolution, he said that it fully reflected the situation on the ground, but while real progress had been made, there was still room to improve technical arrangements for the referendum. Partners who did not support independence had been taking advantage and manipulating the system in a way that was truly threatening the vote, he added, cautioning: “Such practices are creating doubt among the people.” French leaders visiting New Caledonia were upsetting the balance by drawing on the old tactics of colonialism. He also noted the socioeconomic inequalities in New Caledonia, emphasizing that it was essential to provide opportunities for young people. On economic initiatives and their respective outcomes, both negative and positive, he said the 341 tribes in the Territory must be better informed about the need for independence of Kanaky, New Caledonia. Generations of men and women had been struggling towards independence, and the time had come to achieve sovereignty, he said, stressing: “We are absolutely and totally committed.”
Mr. HUFANEN RAI (Papua New Guinea) introduced a draft resolution titled “Question of New Caledonia” (document A/AC.109/2018/L.22) on behalf of the Melanesian Spearhead Group. Emphasizing that New Caledonia’s self‑determination remained an unfinished agenda in the United Nations, and was a priority for the Group, he voiced solidarity and unity with FLNKS and the people of New Caledonia as they found their own pathway forward, vowing to contribute in ensuring that the Territory’s self-determination process was just, fair, transparent and respected by all parties. As for the draft resolution before the Special Committee, key elements from the 2017 version remained important and highly relevant, and the current text also laid out new major developments, including the fact that New Caledonia was at a critical phase and the referendum on self‑determination was set for 4 November 2018. The question to be presented on the ballot would be: “Do you want New Caledonia to accede to full sovereignty and become independent?”
He went on to note that the draft resolution also recognized the ongoing, serious concerns expressed by the people of New Caledonia, regarding the importance of explaining clearly and in simple terms what the outcome of the referendum would mean. “This remains unclear and raises anxieties and tensions amongst the peoples of the Territory,” he said. In addition, the text called on the administering Power to permit international observers for the referendum, including from the United Nations, which would be critical for its credibility. Much progress had been made since the Nouméa Accord, he said, emphasizing that it would benefit both its people as well as the administering Power to further strengthen collective efforts to facilitate self‑determination and eliminate the indignity and the yoke of colonialism. However, no matter the referendum’s outcome, New Caledonia must remain on the list of Non‑Self‑Governing Territories, he said, noting that critical challenges remained, including human rights issues and inequalities.
SATYENDRA PRASAD (Fiji), noting that his delegation was co‑sponsoring the draft resolution, said 2018 was an important year for New Caledonia and the whole Polynesian region. Echoing the sentiment that it behoved the United Nations to ensure a transparent and credible electoral process in November, he said preparations must also take place in a timely, robust manner that would satisfy all parties on the ground. Fiji encouraged the administering Power, France, to support the parties in delivering a successful and historic self‑determination referendum, he added.
Mr. KOROMA (Sierra Leone), also noting that his delegation was a co‑sponsor and thanking the administering Power for helping to facilitate the Special Committee’s visiting mission, agreed that “New Caledonia is at a crossroads”. The Territory’s destiny was in its own hands, and the Special Committee must fully respect its decision while supporting the administering Power in helping to reach a transparent and credible referendum outcome. Echoing concerns about the issue of French immigration, which had resulted in inequality, he said the referendum would not be the end of the road. The process must be peaceful and those who felt dissatisfied in any way must be able to access due process. They should avoid any kind of violence, he emphasized.
INDAH NURIA SAVITRI (Indonesia), noting the highly sensitive nature of the Special Committee’s work, said its efforts were nevertheless critical. Indonesia welcomed its recent visiting mission to New Caledonia, which had provided updated information about the situation in the Territory in light of the upcoming referendum. Also welcoming the support provided by the administering Power, she said her delegation would also co‑sponsor the text.
The Special Committee then approved the draft resolution without vote.
Question of French Polynesia
As the Special Committee took up the question of French Polynesia, members had before them a working paper (document A/AC.109/2018/7) and a related draft resolution titled “Question of French Polynesia” (document A/AC.109/2018/L.24).
MANUEL TERRAI, Délégué aux Affaires Internationales, Européennes et du Pacifique, noted the economic improvements in French Polynesia, including in the business climate and household index. Tax intake had increased significantly, contributing to alleviation of debt. Polynesian banks had indicated a boost in their activities, and there had also been growth in tourism and the purchase of new vehicles. Moreover, French Polynesia’s regional role had seen a boost, he said, noting that it had been officially recognized at the forty‑eighth Pacific Island Forum in Samoa. The Government had been actively involved in enhancing the Territory’s autonomy, he said, adding that the political rift in French Polynesia had existed for the last 40 years, with the autonomists on one side and the independents on the other. All citizens had electoral rights and could participate in elections, he continued, adding that the people elected 57 representatives to the French Polynesia Assembly who in turn elected the President.
“Our elections are free and democratic,” he said, adding that the rate of participation was 66 per cent, he said. Noting that some 49 autonomists and eight independents elected to the Assembly were focused on modernizing society and creating wealth through investments, he emphasized that French Polynesia was indeed a self‑governing territory and should not be classified as a colony to be decolonized. The people had reconfirmed their will to remain an autonomous territory within the French Republic. Despite the people’s free expression, however, members of the Special Committee continued to insist that French Polynesia was not autonomous, he said, pointing out that the Special Committee’s principal objective was to listen to the people and familiarize itself with the situation of each Non‑Self‑Governing Territory. He suggested the deletion of paragraph 6 from the draft resolution, which states that the administering Power had not responded to the request to submit information on French Polynesia.
RICHARD ARIIHAU TUHEIAVA, Tavini Huiraatira Group, speaking as an elected member of the French Polynesia Assembly, said that since 2013, annual statements in the Special Committee consistently pointed to actions that continued to impede French Polynesia’s independence and sovereignty. Speakers had provided information on the exploitative financial relationship with the administering Power, which continued to control the Territory’s resources. The French continued to insist on control over undersea and seabed resources as well, the most egregious of which had been the health impact of 30 years of nuclear testing. Offering to provide a report on that matter, he said the two existing United Nations reports were “grossly insufficient”. He expressed concern that the administering Power could refuse to provide information on the situation on the ground, saying that it also had full control over elections, including the authority to cancel them. The administering Power had the power to grant the French Polynesian Assembly bonus seats supporting colonialism. It was within that framework that so‑called elections had been held last month. The administering Power held unilateral control over elections in French Polynesia, he reiterated, adding that there was no space for discussion of the option of self‑determination.
CARLYLE G. CORBIN, Senior Fellow, Dependency Studies Project, noted the overall lack of actions relating to draft resolutions on decolonization, such as the conduct of studies, analyses and political education programmes, which had resulted in limited progress over the last three decades. “This often relegates the debate to an exchange of differing opinions between those who recognize the true nature of contemporary colonialism and those who have made an accommodation with it, irrespective of its democratic deficiencies,” he said. “This is not supposed to be about opinion,” he added, emphasizing that the decolonization mandate was actually about providing Member States with the opportunity for in‑depth examination of the extent of genuine self‑government in the listed Territories, on the basis of the requisite criteria of full political equality, as established by General Assembly in resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV). Other resolutions mandated that the Special Committee take a case‑by‑case approach to the Non‑Self‑Governing Territories, which was a useful strategy, he said, while cautioning that care must be taken to avoid misinterpreting that approach as a rationale for legitimizing the political and economic inequality of the dependency status.
It was therefore critical, he continued, to emphasize that Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV) was not intended to authenticate existing colonial arrangements, but merely to recognize that they were modes of transition, preparatory to the achievement of the full measure of self‑government. “Colonial legitimization has never been countenanced by the General Assembly,” he stressed. In the case of French Polynesia, where there had been consistent calls for genuine decolonization, the administering Power’s refusal to cooperate with the Special Committee should not serve as an effective veto of the envisaged programme of work on that item. Nor should other relevant mandates — such as the implementation of a political education programme and a qualitative report on the effects of 30 years of nuclear testing — be stymied. He said the long‑standing decolonization mandates under General Assembly resolutions should be specifically reflected in the United Nations budget. “Otherwise, we will remain in a ‘repetition‑of‑process’” of resolutions adopted without regard for their implementation, he warned.
HELENA DEL CARMEN YÁNEZ LOZA (Ecuador), noting that the existence of colonialism remained incompatible with United Nations principles, recalled that her delegation had served as Chair of the Special Committee in 2013, when French Polynesia had been re‑inscribed on the list of Non‑Self‑Governing Territories after its unilateral delisting in 1963. That re‑inscription had been pursued due to its continued colonial situation, she stressed, noting that, among other things, the Territory’s people still lacked control over their own resources. The administering Power must reverse that situation and commit to the Territory’s decolonization.
The Special Committee then approved the draft resolution titled “Question of French Polynesia” (document A/AC.109/2018/L.24) without a vote.
Question of Tokelau
As the Special Committee took up the question of Tokelau, members had before them a working paper on that item (document A/AC.109/2018/14).
FAIPULE AFEGA GAUALOFA, Ulu (Titular Head) of Tokelau, outlined developments in the Territory over the past year, saying its people would not give up their aspirations for self‑determination. The question of an autonomous government had been put to a vote in two past referenda, in 2006 and 2007, respectively. Nevertheless, Tokelau’s relationship with the New Zealand family was not at issue, because the Territory wished to retain the warmth of that relationship. It was critical that the interests of Tokelau’s people remain at the heart of all efforts, he said, noting that the Territory and the administering Power, New Zealand, continued to work together in a manner that promoted the well‑being and quality of life of Tokelau’s people. Asking the Special Committee to promote and encourage the United Nations system to assist the Territory and not to exclude it from accessing global financing assistance — including climate and environmental assistance — he reiterated Tokelau’s commitment to self‑determination, while stating that whereas the two referenda had not resulted in a situation of self‑determination, the Territory had nevertheless worked to strengthen and develop its governance systems and the effective management of its public service.
However, much more work was required to strengthen Tokelau’s local capacity, infrastructure and economic development, he said, adding that the Territory was nevertheless determined to move towards self‑determination in the future and was “heading in the right direction”. Among other things, it had put a National Strategic Plan (2016‑2020) in place and established its own development priorities, setting aspirational yet realistic outcome targets and related budgets. The Government of New Zealand continued to support those efforts and to provide the confidence needed to make progress, given Tokelau’s small size, vulnerability and geographic remoteness. Turning to the challenges posed by climate change, he said rising sea levels and catastrophic weather patterns were both real and imminent for Tokelau, threatening its peoples’ livelihoods and encroaching on its land masses. Climate change had also impacted the Territory’s food security and water stores. Climate change adaptation and mitigation were costly, and while other Pacific nations were able to access significant funding to cover those expenses, Tokelau was instead included under New Zealand’s allocation. That country had been generous, but constraints remained.
Thanking the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and other partners for their support in that regard, he also outlined national activities aimed at addressing the impacts of climate change as well as preserving Tokelau’s language, culture and traditions. Such actions would help in building resilience and increasing the Territory’s sustainability, he said, while also spotlighting its focus on good governance, sustainable transport and communications, telecommunications, access to supply chains, and public services. “Tokelau is still working to determine what it can and should do itself, and what it needs others to assist it with,” he said, describing the Territory’s evolving relationship with the international community. Also noting that Tokelau had a history of taking care of itself, he said its Intergenerational Trust Fund aimed to provide a buffer for its future children against “any ill winds that may strike Tokelau in the years to come”.
CRAIG J. HAWKE (New Zealand) said that his country’s Government had decided in 2017 to scale up the position of Administrator and to appoint someone for whom that role would be the sole focus. In accordance with its obligations under the United Nations Charter, New Zealand had progressively devolved its administrative powers to Tokelau over the past three decades, supporting the development of the Territory’s governance institutions. Outlining various steps that the Government had taken in the past, he said that by the 2000s, Tokelau had attained a substantial degree of self‑government. The referendum held in 2006 had narrowly missed the two‑thirds majority required for a change of status, he said, adding that New Zealand had taken note that such close results reflected the desire of the Tokelauan people for greater self‑governance.
New Zealand was committed to supporting Tokelau’s efforts to develop its capacity in self‑governance, he continued, encouraging the Territory to consider how best to balance the needs of its individual villages with those of the entire nation. New Zealand had been focusing on projects relating to transport, telecommunications, fisheries and climate change. Providing updates on each sector, he pointed out Tokelau’s remoteness, saying that New Zealand was in the process of procuring another vessel for the Territory to be used for search‑and‑rescue work and medical evacuations as well as general transport. New Zealand was also investing in connecting Tokelau to undersea fibre‑optic cables and had helped to establish a Ministry of Fisheries. The Government remained committed to supporting Tokelau’s voice on the global stage by including it in its delegations on international climate change negotiations, he said.
Mr. KOROMA (Sierra Leone), noting that his delegation would join the list of co‑sponsors of the draft resolution on Tokelau, expressed support for the positive relationship between that Territory and New Zealand. Sierra Leone stood beside Tokelau in its quest for self‑determination, which it had undertaken in spite of significant challenges, he said, adding that the Government of New Zealand was doing its best under those circumstances to support Tokelau’s people.
Mr. RAI (Papua New Guinea), introducing the draft resolution titled “Question of Tokelau” (document A/AC.109/2018/L.23) on behalf of his own delegation and that of Fiji, noted the important updates in the text, reflecting developments on the ground. Applauding New Zealand’s consistent provision of critical information to the Special Committee, he said much of the draft resolution’s contents — the same as those in previous years — remained relevant and important. Among the new developments outlined in current version were the 2017 introduction of the “Tobacco Free Tokelau 2020” policy; the development of the Territory’s “Living with Change” climate change strategy — by which New Zealand agreed to include Tokelau’s carbon emissions in its national reporting under the Paris Agreement on climate change — and New Zealand’s recent commitment to invest NZ$22.2 million in undersea telecommunications services for Tokelau.
Mr. PRASAD (Fiji), expressing his delegation’s support for the draft resolution as one of its co‑sponsors, said Tokelau was on the front line of the fight against climate change. Noting that its quest for self‑determination was being pursued against the backdrop of that severe and imminent threat, he welcomed the Territory’s positive relationship with New Zealand and the latter’s continued support.
The Special Committee then approved the draft resolution without a vote.
Question of Turks and Caicos Islands
The Special Committee then approved a draft resolution titled “Question of the Turks and Caicos Islands” (document A/AC.109/2018/L.20), without a vote.
Question of United States Virgin Islands
The Special Committee also adopted a draft resolution titled “Question of the United States Virgin Islands” (document A/AC.109/2018/L.21), without a vote.
Implementation of Decolonization Declaration
The Special Committee then turned to its next item, a draft resolution titled “Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples” (document A/AC.109/2018/L.25).
Ms. RODRIGUEZ (Venezuela) said colonialism was an anachronism that was contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. The Organization must live up to its responsibility to fully eradicate colonialism, which still existed in the remaining 17 Non‑Self‑Governing Territories, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), she said. The administering Powers must also shoulder their responsibilities, including under article 73 (e), which obliged them to ensure the well‑being of people under their administration. Among other things, they were obliged to report on all their activities in the Territories, including economic and military activities, which could impact the lives of their inhabitants. United Nations specialized agencies and other entities should also speed up the decolonization processes of those Territories, she said. The Department of Public Information must step up its efforts to disseminate information about decolonization, and all States must commit to supporting vulnerable Non‑Self‑Governing Territories, especially those impacted by recent severe weather events.
The Special Committee then approved the draft resolution without a vote.
Report of the Pacific Regional Seminar
Acting again without a vote, the Special Committee approved the draft conclusions and recommendations of the recent Pacific Regional Seminar on the Implementation of the Third International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism, held in St. George, Grenada, from 9 to 11 May 2018 (document A/AC.109/2018/CRP.1), and decided to annex it to the Special Committee’s final report to the General Assembly at its seventy‑third session.
Labels:
Caribbean,
Colonialism,
Decolonisation,
dependency governance,
New Caledonia,
Pacific,
Self-Determination,
United Nations
27 February 2018
FRENCH "CONFLICT OF INTEREST" IN NEW CALEDONIA REFERENDUM
Anti-independence statements by French politicians threatens to unduly influence the referendum outcome even as France is in total administrative and political control of the "self-determination" process.
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Radio New Zealand
Valls favours New Caledonia staying French
A former French prime minister Manuel Valls says the French government should say before New Caledonia's referendum what its preferred outcome is.

French Prime Minister Manuel Valls. Photo: AFP
Mr Valls, who is in Noumea as the head of a French National Assembly delegation, was speaking at a public debate.
He said he personally wants New Caledonia to stay French and expressed regret that there wouldn't be a third accord to follow the Matignon Accords and the Noumea Accord.
Mr Valls said, in view of Britain's exit from the European Union, France would be the only European power left in the Pacific, adding that its presence was wanted by Australia and New Zealand.
He has also advised caution about the concept of a Caledonian people, saying there is a Kanak people and a French people as well as a Caledonian citizenship.
Les Nouvelles Caledoniennes reported another Assembly member Cristian Jacob saying it was not possible to get independence and maintain funding from France.
Once independent, he said, New Caledonia could enter into co-operation treaties but that won't match the current French commitment.
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Former French PM upsets pro-independence side in New Caledonia
Pro-independence politicians in New Caledonia are upset at comments by a visiting former French prime minister Manuel Valls who said he was in favour of the territory remaining French.
Mr Valls, who is in Noumea as the head of a French National Assembly delegation, was speaking at a public debate as the territory readies for an independence referendum later this year.
One politician Louis Mapou said he had the impression that the whole French state machinery was being aligned to back the anti-independence camp.
He also said he wondered whether President Emmanuel Macron would use his upcoming visit to Noumea to unleash a no-campaign.
Another politician Roch Wamytan said he finds that Mr Valls had stepped out of his role and should report back to Paris what he sees on his fact-finding mission instead of advising what should be done.
Mr Wamytan said it was up to the New Caledonian population to decide.
An anti-independence politician Philippe Michel said Mr Valls's remarks add to a situation which already complicated.
Labels:
Asia,
Colonialism,
dependency governance,
France,
Kanaky,
New Caledonia,
non self-governing territories,
Pacific
22 December 2017
KANAKY REFERENDUM PREPARATIONS INTENSIFY IN NEW CALEDONIA
ISLANDS BUSINESS/PACNEWS
Independence movement prepares for referendum
By Nic Maclellan
Remembrance Day, November 11. French soldiers, sailors and police stand in ranks near Noumea’s war memorial at Bir Hakiem, to remember the fallen.
Across town, at Ko We Kara, members of the Union Calédonienne Party recall those who have fallen in the struggle for independence, as they gather at the 48th UC congress. Founded in 1953, the oldest political party in New Caledonia took up the call for independence in 1977.
These competing ceremonies open a crucial year for New Caledonia, just one year away from a referendum on self-determination.
Under the Noumea Accord, New Caledonia must hold the referendum before the end of 2018, with the vote likely next November. With newly elected French President Emmanuel Macron scheduled to make his first visit to the French Pacific dependency next May, the coming year will see increased political mobilisation and debate.
But more than 19 years after the Noumea Accord was signed, the French State has failed to resolve disputes over who is eligible to vote in this crucial decision on the country’s political status.
In early November, political leaders travelled to Paris, to try to forge a compromise on this longstanding dispute. French Prime Minister Edouard Philippe hosted the Committee of Signatories, an annual meeting of the original signatories to the 1998 Noumea Accord, together with New Caledonia’s elected representatives to the French parliament and leaders of the major political parties represented in New Caledonia’s Congress.
The Paris meeting made crucial decisions about the electoral roll for the referendum, but there’s still a long way to go. With Prime Minister Philippe due to visit Noumea in early December for further discussions, the independence movement is starting to mobilise its forces.
Last month, the four political parties that make up the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS) each held their own congresses. Leaders reported back on the outcomes of the Committee of Signatories, and began to mobilise their members for the year ahead.
The Party of Kanak Liberation (Palika), led by Paul Neaoutyine, gathered at Arama in the north of the main island, while Victor Tutugoro’s Union Progressiste Mélanesienne (UPM) met on Ouvea in the outlying Loyalty Islands. The Rassemblement Démocratique Océanienne (RDO) – which links Wallisian and Tahitian supporters of independence – gathered in Dumbea. The largest congress was for Union Calédonienne (UC), the “older brother” of the independence movement, which met on the outskirts of Noumea from 11-13 November.
Despite improved inter-community relations under the Noumea Accord, the FLNKS still draws most of its support from the indigenous Kanak community. The independence movement has not made a strategic breakthrough to rally mass support from the European community or the large Wallisian and Tahitian population in Noumea and surrounding towns.
Relations between different pro-independence parties have been stretched in recent years, as they debate the best pathway to independence and the type of economy and society to be forged in a sovereign nation. As well as the four-member FLNKS, the smaller Rassemblement des indépendantistes et nationalistes (RIN) includes more radical parties such as Dynamique Unitaire Sud (DUS) and the union-backed Parti Travailliste (PT).
Within the FLNKS, long-standing debates between UC and Palika have led to sharp contests during electoral campaigns and differing tactics within government. In New Caledonia’s national Congress, pro-independence representatives sit in two separate parliamentary groups. The “Union Nationale pour l’Independance” (UNI) links Palika, UPM and RDO, while the “UC FLNKS and Nationalists” group incorporates elected members from UC, PT, and DUS.
Despite these differences, the looming referendum on self-determination is driving these groups together. In a symbol of unity that has not been seen for some time, the closing session of the UC Congress was attended by delegations from all these political parties, as well as representatives from the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), the USTKE trade union confederation and the Eglise Protestante de Kanaky-Nouvelle-Caledonie (EPKNC), the largest Protestant church in the country.
Re-elected as president of Union Calédonienne, Daniel Goa welcomed the diverse leaders from “the independence family” to the UC congress. Speaking to Islands Business, Goa said: “All the parties represented at the congress are on the same path. The timeline is very short and there’s a lot of work to be done.”
Committee of Signatories
The Committee of Signatories was another welcome sign of convergence. French Prime Minister Edouard Philippe won praise from most participants for his steady handling and attempts to find compromises between competing interests.
A central political agreement was to register thousands of people on New Caledonia’s general electoral roll – a legal prerequisite to participation in the 2018 referendum on self-determination. FLNKS activists have long complained that up to 25,000 Kanaks are not registered on the general roll, seen as a failure of the French State, given the responsibility of the administering power to ensure that the colonised people should vote in a decolonisation referendum.
In an interview, French High Commissioner to New Caledonia Thierry Lataste acknowledged: “We’ve been talking about the electoral roll for thirty years, but differences and disputes have continued to the present day. For two years, it’s been clear that there are many people – both Kanak and also other people with common civil status – that are not registered to vote on the general electoral roll, and therefore on the list for the consultation in 2018.
“The challenge has been to find these people, identify them, find their address and write to encourage them to register. The High Commission, which is neutral in this matter, must write to say you should register.”
Last year, the French High Commission wrote to nearly 9,000 people encouraging them to register, with a 25 per cent success rate in response. However members of RIN have argued that Kanaks of voting age should be registered automatically, without preconditions, as the “concerned population” under international principles of decolonisation.
The Committee of Signatories agreed on a process to register at least 7,000 Kanaks holding customary civil status under French law, together with another 3,900 people with common civil status (these are people with “material and moral interests” in the country who can also prove three years of residence based on evidence from the CAFAT social security fund). This latter group could include both Kanaks and non-indigenous voters, but French laws on privacy and data collection mean the French State has refused to reveal who is on this list.
Sylvain Pabouty of the DUS party said: “Every time the French State addresses this issue, they find more Kanaks who are not properly registered. The Committee of Signatories agreed that there are another 7,000. But there are 19,646 people with customary civil status in New Caledonia, so what about the other 12,000? It’s important to note that the figure of 7,000 Kanaks is just provisional, and needs further investigation – yet all registration must be completed by the end of the year.”
This call for automatic registration of all Kanaks of voting age has been opposed by anti-independence leaders, who question the numbers on unregistered voters and argue that non-indigenous New Caledonians should also be given automatic registration.
High Commissioner Lataste notes: “People in the non-independence camp argue that it’s not fair that for some this process is automatic, while for others it involves compiling a dossier of documents, searching for information from their parents etc.”
Lataste told Islands Business that despite agreement at the Committee of Signatories, the registration process needs further work. The political compromise must be legalised by changes to the 1999 French legislation that codified the Noumea Accord into law.
“Union Calédonienne believes this can all be resolved without modifying the organic law – the text which frames the elections,” Lataste said. “In contrast, the view of the French government and the other political parties is that we can’t introduce a change which is unknown in France without modifying the organic law.”
Beyond the issue of the electoral roll, the Committee of Signatories debated a number of outstanding issues, still unresolved in the final year of the 20-year transition established by the Noumea Accord in 1998. There will be further discussions in the New Year on the transfer of the remaining “Article 27” powers from Paris to Noumea (granting authority over higher education, TV and radio, and local municipal councils). Leaders also established a working group for the final transfer of ADRAF, the organisation responsible for land reform.
Mobilising voters
Once people are registered, political parties face the challenge of mobilising their supporters. The Kanak population is a minority in its own country, and current polling suggests a majority of registered electors will not vote for independence in November 2018.
Beyond this, voting is not compulsory in New Caledonia for elections or the looming referendum. The country has a high abstention rate, and across the political spectrum, there are many who express a general disinterest in politics. For the FLNKS, a key challenge would be to mobilise support amongst younger voters who were not born during the troubled decade in the 1980s, and were not part of the renaissance of Kanak nationalism and widespread political and cultural mobilisation.
Over the last five months, an FLNKS team has been touring the country to present a draft framework for “a sovereign Kanaky-New Caledonia.” More than twenty community consultations have been held to outline proposed changes of government, society and economy after the 2018 referendum.
At some community meetings, there have been sharp questions about the lack of detail in the draft, which will be finalised this month. Some people fear the loss of French subsidies for pensions, health or welfare benefits. In response, FLNKS members have started to put out details of the economic options to replace French funding, but there’s a lot of work needed to mobilise wavering independence supporters in the Kanak community.
UC’s Daniel Goa noted: “Currently, about 40 per cent of Kanaks – or at least 30 per cent – don’t vote. So we must work at the level of the family, to provide information so these people can be found. We will find a way to reach out to each tribe, to each extended family, to contact people who are not registered to vote or who abstain. Our objective for 2018 is to mobilise the majority of electors who might participate.”
Finding a way forward
Members of the UC-FLNKS and Nationalists group in the Congress are calling for full and sovereign independence. The re-election of Daniel Goa as president of the largest independence party has re-affirmed the path that saw a UC boycott of the French legislative elections last June.
Palika spokesperson Charles Washetine also reaffirmed that “the Noumea Accord is a decolonisation process which must lead to the emergence of a new country called Kanaky-Nouvelle-Calédonie.”
However, Palika has called for dialogue in coming months over the concept of “pleine souveraineté avec partenariat” (full sovereignty in partnership with France). This would see Kanaky-New Caledonia as a member of the United Nations, with its own passport and sovereign status, but with ongoing relations with France. Palika leaders present this concept as a bridge between the independence movement and those settlers fearful of the model of “free association” promoted by the French State in the 1980s.
The Committee of Signatories established a working group to finalise the wording of the referendum question. Daniel Goa stressed that UC supports the three core elements outlined in the Noumea Accord: transfer to New Caledonia of the remaining sovereign powers (such as defence, foreign affairs, currency and justice), achieving a status of full international responsibility and the transition from citizenship to nationality.
“We’re satisfied with the question set out in the Noumea Accord,” said Goa. “We won’t budge from that. Every time we’ve revisited deals that have been struck, every time we’ve had to make concessions.”
Disunity on the Right
Even as the FLNKS works to unify its forces, there is chaos in the other camp. Anti-independence parties maintain a dominant position in New Caledonia’s political institutions, but are deeply divided as the country moves towards the decision on its political status.
Four anti-independence parties make up the so-called “Platform of Loyalists”: Calédonie Ensemble (CE), Rassemblement Les Républicains (LR), Mouvement pour la Calédonie (MPC) and Tous calédoniens (TC). But unity with other anti-independence forces is broken. A new extreme-right grouping, Les Républicains calédoniens (LRC), brings together leaders such as Sonia Backes, Philippe Blaise and Isabelle Lafleur.
The LRC leaders are angry at the CE and LR, which have tried to promote dialogue with the independence movement. They’re even angrier over the result of the bitter battle for New Caledonia’s seats in the French parliament, which saw CE’s Philippe Gomes and Philippe Dunoyer win both seats in the National Assembly last June and LR’s Pierre Frogier returned to the Senate in October.
LRC leader Sonia Backes says: “We want to renew the political class, in contrast to the Platform, which today reunites all the old guard. We certainly have support from some veterans like Simon Loueckhote, Harold Martin or Didier Leroux, but they all want to push forward a new generation and won’t be standing for seats in the future.”
This rift amongst anti-independence politicians has – once again – paralysed the Government of New Caledonia. Dunoyer’s victory in the June National Assembly elections forced a spill of all government positions, and 11 new members were chosen by Congress on 31 August. But the members of the government have again been unable to choose a President from their ranks, even though anti-independence forces have a 6/5 majority in the government. The sole representative of the LRC in the government has refused to join the five members of the Platform of Loyalists to re-elect President Philippe Germain. With independence members abstaining, Germain cannot gain an absolute majority.
Germain has continued as caretaker President, attending the Forum leaders meeting in Apia and the Committee of Signatories in Paris, but without the authority to sign new commitments. With the government in caretaker mode, the 2018 national budget is yet to pass through Congress, stalling crucial initiatives in a politically sensitive period.
High Commissioner Lataste has tried three times to break the deadlock, but as IB goes to press, LRC is holding firm. The five pro-independence members have said that it’s up to the parties of the Right to decide on their own candidate, leaving the Vice Presidency to the independence forces. Daniel Goa notes wryly: “Every time it’s the same – they fall out, then they want us to sort out their foolishness.”
International monitoring
A delegation from the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) secretariat travelled to Noumea last month to meet with FLNKS leaders and discuss the path towards the referendum. MSG’s Ilan Kiloe told the UC Congress: “Our presence here today demonstrates our commitment to assist you, the Union Calédonienne party as well as the FLNKS, as a member of the MSG.”
Daniel Goa noted that the FLNKS is still looking for international support.
“The work that we’ve begun to clarify the voting list is not yet finished,” he said. “So between now and the end of 2018, we’ll be asking international institutions to call on the French State to meet its commitments. We’re looking internationally for this support, to the United Nations, to the Melanesian Spearhead Group and to the countries of the Pacific region.”
High Commissioner Lataste confirmed that France was open to international scrutiny of the self-determination vote in 2018.
“The French State is open to international monitoring of the process, to describe, to monitor, to freely give their opinion on the manner which the referendum will be organised,” he said. “On the part of the State, it’s not complicated. This is not necessarily the case for the local political parties, especially on the Right, who have long resisted international overview and for whom the words ‘United Nations’ raise a certain fear. However the Committee of Signatories agreed that a UN mission would continue to monitor the electoral registration process next year, as they have done in 2016 and 2017.”
The UN Special Committee on Decolonisation has asked to send a mission to New Caledonia. In Paris last month, political leaders agreed a UN mission could visit in early 2018. All political leaders also agreed there could also be UN observers for the vote itself.
High Commissioner Lataste was less certain about the involvement of the Pacific Islands Forum, which didn’t mention the looming referendum in its 2017 communique: “Curiously, I though the issue would be raised by the Forum in September when they met in Apia, but Philippe Germain told me that this wasn’t raised at all at the highest political level in the leaders retreat. The only person raising Forum involvement is the Secretary General Meg Taylor, but does she have the authority herself to involve the Forum without the agreement of the heads of state and governments themselves? This poses a question.”.
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