Showing posts with label Human Rights Committee. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Human Rights Committee. Show all posts

02 July 2019

FRENCH POLYNESIA CHURCH PRESIDENT TELLS U.N. OF IMPACTS OF "FRENCH COLONIAL NUCLEAR PROGRAMME" ON THE PEOPLE


Reverend Taaroarii Maraea 
President of the Ma’ohi Protestant Church
Statement to Special Committee on Decolonization
United Nations, New York, N.Y. 
28th June 2019

Madam Chair,

Distinguished Members of the Special Committee,

I have the honour to address you in my capacity as President of the Ma’ohi Protestant Church. I wish to express my deepest gratitude for allowing myself to speak before this
Committee on the question of Ma’ohi-Nui/French Polynesia.

I wish to draw the attention of the Committee to the communication submitted in early October 2018 to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in
The Hague, Netherlands, and a second communication submitted on 30 October 2018 to the Special Rapporteur on the Implications for Human Rights of the Environmentally Sound Management and Disposal of Hazardous Substances and Wastes, in Geneva, Switzerland, both in relation to the 30 years of French nuclear testing in our territory.

In this regard, the International Law Commission is to be commended for its ongoing work on the draft articles on crimes against humanity. This work is especially important in
giving further clarity to what constitutes such a crime and the requisite recompense.

I take note that the 2019 Working Paper on Ma’ohi-Nui/French Polynesia makes only a short reference to both ICC and Human Rights Committee complaints while the draft resolution on Ma’ohi-Nui/French Polynesia omits any reference to it altogether.

We continue to pose the question as to why these developments are not worthy of U.N. consideration, or whether there is undue pressure exerted by the administering Power behind the scenes to censor such references. Nevertheless, our people will continue to monitor how the U.N. deals with these stealth diplomacy tactics in future.

To this end, I recall that as a presidential candidate, Emmanuel Macron stated that:

“Colonization is a crime. It’s a crime against humanity. It’s truly barbarous and it’s part of a past that we need to confront by apologizing to those against whom we committed these acts... At the same time, we must not sweep this past under the rug…"


We hold the now-French President to this commitment. However, the actions of a U.N. member State and P-5 member - is that of a contemporary colonial power utterly dismissive of Article 73 of the U.N. Charter, reflecting the opposite of his earlier lofty words. It is, in fact, doing its best to "sweep the issue under the rug" by seeking to persecute those who have stood bravely in the face of the colonial power.

This was one of the motives of the Ma’ohi Protestant Church for submitting an official communication to the relevant U.N. Special Rapporteur to the Human Rights Committee.

Recently, the Administering Power monitored a revision process of the bilateral Organic Law regarding Ma’ohi-Nui/French Polynesia within its Parliament in Paris. As a matter of fact, the new preambular paragraph of such Organic Law now reflects a so-called “positive contribution” provided by the territory of Ma’ohi-Nui/French Polynesia in favour of the colonial nuclear programme implemented by France.

This provocative language currently being adopted by the French Parliament is an outrageous “mis-interpretation” of the painful history and the sufferings that the Ma’ohi People
went through without its consent.

The Ma’ohi Protestant Church is nevertheless extremely pleased that the Committee resolution this year has restored an amended version of the paragraph in its 2019 resolution on our territory, and we strongly request that the committee ensures that the "continuous updates" requested of the Secretary-General in the resolution are far more extensive than the two previous reports.

Thank You, Madam Chair.

08 August 2012

THE DECOLONISATION PAPERS: The right of self-determination of the Chamorro people


Occasional papers on the self-determination/decolonisation process
_______________________________________________________


TAOTAOMONA NATIVE RIGHTS

GMF - P.O. Box 24295                                                           Email:  trinit@ite.net
Barrigada, GU 96921                                                               Tel:  671-969-8551
______________________________________________________________________________


                                                                       July 11, 2012

Statement by Ms. Trinidad Torres, Pilong Maga’Haga 

of Taotaomona Native Rights


representing 

Taotaomona Native Rights, Chamoru Nation of Guahan, and Chamoru

Cultural Development and Research Institute

5th Session of the Expert Mechanism 

on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples


Mr. Chairperson, Members of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, distinguished government delegates; and honorable representatives of indigenous peoples and organizations:


Thank you for allowing me to speak here for my Chamorro people. We Chamorros are the aboriginal, indigenous native inhabitants of the United States’ un-incorporated, non self-governing territory in the Pacific, the Island of Guahan, known as Guam. In other words, Guam is a colony of the United States, and we Chamorros are U.S. subjects! Guam has been a colony of the U.S. since it was ceded in 1898 after the Spanish-American War.

We are pursuing our self-determination with more vigor at the present time. However, we are people of a small island inundated with a large influx of people from other areas and other countries. These large numbers of people are allowed by the U.S. to emigrate to Guam and to settle without our sayso or informing us, and with this colonization process have resulted in overwhelming our native population, making us a minority in our own homeland and displaced a lot of our people in jobs and from our lands.

The U.S. imposed its Organic Act of Guam of 1950 which created the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of its colonial government without the consent of our people. We do need all the help of the United Nations. We need the presence of the United Nations and its participation towards the exercise of our self-determination and to act as active observers during our plebiscite when we choose our political status in determining our relationship with the United States either with the option for statehood, or freely associated with the United States, or independence. Our situation in pursuing our self-determination means we are going up against the strongest, most powerful nation -- the U.S. -- which has continuously been blocking us in the exercise of our self-determination.


We believe that by the United Nations taking a firm and more proactive stand for the rights of indigenous peoples, it will be also helping to put back its member States, most especially the United States back to its rightful position as one of the original creators of the United Nations body to carry out its commitment, to right the injustices and inequalities and unnecessary human sufferings that indigenous peoples are enduring and living through day by day. And, we also all need to work in the spirit of humankind. When it comes to unnecessary human sufferings -- enough is enough!


Thank you. Saina ma’ase’.

15 August 2011

"The Illusion of Inclusion" - US Virgin Islands legislation proposes symbolic vote for US president


*****

Territory's Supervisor of Elections Opposes bill calling it "costly and confusing."

Bill Would Put Presidential Candidates to Symbolic Vote

By Bill Kossler — August 13, 2011

 
Although U.S. Virgin Islands residents do not have a vote in U.S presidential elections, a bill sponsored by Sens. Louis Hill, Carlton "Ital" Dowe, Alicia "Chucky" Hansen and Sammuel Sanes would put presidential tickets on V.I. ballots starting in 2012 should it become law.

Supervisor of Elections John Abramson, appearing before the Senate for the first time since being reappointed earlier this week to a third eight-year term, testified against the bill. "While I believe the intent of the proposed legislation is noble, it is my strong feeling that implementation of this legislation would be costly and create confusion among electors," Abramson said.

A qualifying system would have to be established, to determine what candidates are allowed on the ballot, he said. There are as many as a dozen candidates who make it on the ballots of one or more states, and it would add to the cost of elections to have to determine which party's candidates meet local criteria, put them onto the ballot and tally their results, he said.

Asked if the ballot could be restricted to just the Democratic and Republican parties, Abramson said the Legislature may be able to do that, but "that would be unfair to other parties," such as the Green party or Libertarians. Later, when asked if just having presidential candidates on primary ballots would eliminate the concern over large numbers of presidential candidates, Abramson said that approach might be feasible.

Hill, one of the sponsors of the bill, said the bill first occurred to several of the senators when Barack Obama was running for president in 2008. "I and others were of the opinion it would have felt good to cast a vote for the first African-American president, even if it didn't really count," Hill said.

Herb Schoenbohm of the V.I. Republican Party and Carol M. Burke of the V.I. Democratic Party both testified strongly in support of the bill, arguing it was an important symbolic act.

The bill was held in committee.

*****

18 January 2011

Self-Determination on Turks & Caicos Human Rights Agenda ?

Is self-determination as a fundamental human right part of the workshop's agenda?


Turks and Caicos Sun


As part of its on-going commitment to the advancement of human rights in the Turks and Caicos Islands, the TCI Human Rights Commission will continue its participation in the project Building Human Rights Capacity in the UK Overseas Territories.

A workshop, originally scheduled for November last year but postponed due to the passage of hurricane Tomas, has now been rescheduled for January 17th through 21st with the UK trainers holding sessions in Grand Turk and Providenciales.

The project is being sponsored by DFID in partnership with the Commonwealth Foundation, the Commonwealth Legal Education Association (CLEA) and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The goals of the workshop are to:

- Increase the commitment by Overseas Territories Governments and partners to an improved human rights agenda

- Increase the awareness and capacity of governments and civil society to address human rights issues in the long term

- Strengthen human rights reporting and monitoring arrangements in accordance with relevant international treaties

This is the second in a series of proposed workshops to be held. The aim is to provide all participants in the training sessions with the foundation/building blocks about human rights and to address the needs of particular government departments and civil society in order to enable them to apply rights in practice/in their work. The training will seek to address matters that arise in the various Government Departments and other institutions and agencies such as Immigration, Labour, SPICE, the Police, Education, Health, Social Services, Gender Affairs, NGOs, Media, Business/Corporate Community, Statutory Bodies, Youth Affairs, Courts and Civil Society Groups.

Participants will, among other things examine;

- the role of civil society in promoting and protecting human rights

- rights as regards to gender equality, access to justice, immigration and labour rights, and

- how best to encourage civil society to monitor human rights, advocate for greater human rights protection, lobby authorities and use the international machinery for human rights protection.

_______________________________________________________________________________

Editor's Note:

The United Nations General Assembly in December, 2010 adopted its annual resolutions on the self-determiniation of the Turks and Caicos Islands and other non self-governing territories, and made the following points:

 "Aware that the Human Rights Committee, as part of its mandate under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, reviews the status of the self-determination process, including in small island Territories (including the Turks and Caicos Islands)

Reaffirms the inalienable right of the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories to self-determination, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV),

Also reaffirms that, in the process of decolonization, there is no alternative to the principle of self-determination, which is also a fundamental human right, as recognized under the relevant human rights conventions,

Further reaffirms that it is ultimately for the peoples of the Territories themselves to determine freely their future political status in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter, the Declaration and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, and in that connection reiterates its long-standing call for the administering Powers, in cooperation with the territorial Governments and appropriate bodies of the United Nations system, to develop political education programmes for the Territories in order to foster an awareness among the people of their right to self-determination in conformity with the legitimate political status options, based on the principles clearly defined in Assembly resolution 1541 (XV) and other relevant resolutions and decisions,


See also:

 CARICOM Secretary General Calls for Restoration of Elected Government in Turks & Caicos Islands


Turks & Caicos Calls for United Nations Oversight after British Rule Extended


Turks & Caicos All Party Commission Chairman Updates UN on Status of Constitutional Restoration


Political Parties In Turks and Caicos Merge For March Against UK Take Over

Turks & Caicos Political Parties Unite to “Reclaim Democracy”

21 September 2010

Independent Analysis Concludes Decolonisation Remains Unfinished Agenda of the United Nations

Comprehensive Study Shows Limited Progress in Carrying Out the Decolonisation Mandate

An independent Analysis of the Implementation of the United Nations Decolonisation Mandate during the Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism (2001 – 2010) has concluded that whilst the United Nations has adopted a series of significant recommendations over the last two decades to bring the contemporary colonial era to a close, the implementation of these measures adopted by the nations of the world leave much to be desired. The study noted that the lack of follow-through is the most important impediment to bringing "new millenium colonialism" to a close. The United Nations formlly lists sixteen non self-governing territories comprised of island dependencies in the Caribbean and Pacific, as well as several under sovereignty dispute. Only two territories since 1990- Namibia and Timor Leste - have exercised their inalienable right to self-determination and subsequet decolonisation.

The study was conducted by Independent Expert on Governance and Multilateral Diplomacy Dr. Carlyle Corbin who delivered the initial findings to the United Nations Pacific Regional Seminar on Decolonisation which met in Noumea, Kanaky (New Caledonia) last May. The full and updated analysis has been published in the September  2010 edition of Overseas Territories Report (Vol. IX No. 5).  The following  Introduction to the analysis was made available to OTR.

Introduction

The Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism (IDEC) is scheduled to expire at the end of 2010, coinciding with the fiftieth anniversary of the landmark Decolonisation Declaration [Resolution 1514 (XV)] , and Resolution 1541 (XV) which defined the minimum international standards of full self-government through the three legitimate political status alternatives of independence, free association with an independent States and integration into an independent State.

The present analysis serves as an update to the “Mid-Term Assessment of the Level of Implementation of the Plan of Action of the Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism” (Canuoan Assessment Paper) delivered to the Caribbean Regional Seminar on the Implementation of the Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism: mid term review, follow-up, and priorities for action which convened in Canouan, St. Vincent and the Grenadines in 2005.

The assessment on the implementation of the mandate of the First International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism over the period (1991-2000), was presented to the United Nations Pacific and Caribbean Regional Seminar(s) to Review the Political, Economic and Social Conditions in the Small Island Non-Self-Governing Territories which convened in Majuro, Marshall Islands in 2000, and to the Caribbean regional seminar which met in La Habana, Cuba in 2001, respectively. The Majuro and Havana Assessments were utilised in support of the adoption of the Second IDEC.

The present analysis identifies the legislative authority in undertaking the international decolonisation mandate during the second IDEC (2001-2010), as established in relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). Additionally, the recommendations of the Caribbean and Pacific regional seminars were examined since the actions called for largely emanated from governmental and civil society representatives of the non self-governing territories themselves. The regional seminars themselves emerged as the most successful and consistent activity of the two plans of action for the first and second decades.

Within this framework, the paper also explores the level of implementation of the actions called for by the United Nations system, including the Special Committee on Decolonisation, the wider UN system including its UN specialised agencies, the administering Powers and relevant intergovernmental organisations and civil society.

The overall intention of the paper is to assess the level of compliance to date with the international mandate undertaken by the relevant stakeholders, consistent with recognised international standards, and to offer future strategies to be taken for the way forward.

The full analysis is available from overseasreview@yahoo.com .

24 August 2010

US Submits Report for Review by United Nations Human Rights Council

No reference to the fundamental human right of self-determination

The United States (U.S.) has submitted its 2010 report to the United Nations Human Rights Council in conformity with the requirements of the Council’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR). The report makes no reference to any activities in relation to one one of most fundamental of human rights - the right to  self-determination. According to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights website:

"The UPR is a unique process which involves a review of the human rights records of all 192 UN Member States once every four years. The UPR is a State-driven process, under the auspices of the Human Rights Council, which provides the opportunity for each State to declare what actions they have taken to improve the human rights situations in their countries and to fulfil their human rights obligations. As one of the main features of the Council, the UPR is designed to ensure equal treatment for every country when their human rights situations are assessed.

The UPR was created through the UN General Assembly on 15 March 2006 by (UN General Assembly) Resolution 60/251, which established the Human Rights Council itself. It is a cooperative process which, by 2011, will have reviewed the human rights records of every country. Currently, no other universal mechanism of this kind exists. The UPR is one of the key elements of the new Council which reminds States of their responsibility to fully respect and implement all human rights and fundamental freedoms. The ultimate aim of this new mechanism is to improve the human rights situation in all countries and address human rights violations wherever they occur."

The General Assembly has also adopted other resolutions with direct relevance to human rights which recognise self-determination as a fundamental human right. Acordingly, the UN adopts an annual resolution, most recently Resolution 64/104 of 10 December 2009, covering the non self-governing territories of American Samoa, Anguilla, Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, Guam, Montserrat, Pitcairn, Saint Helena, the Turks and Caicos Islands and the United States Virgin Islands. Resolution 64/104 reaffirm(ed) that:

 "In the process of decolonization, there is no alternative to the principle of self-determination,   which is also a fundamental human right, as recognized under the relevant human rights conventions."

The resolution also:

 "Reiterate(d) its request that the Human Rights Committee collaborate with the Special Committee, within the framework of its mandate on the right to self-determination as contained in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, with the aim of exchanging information, given that the Human Rights Committee is mandated to review the situation, including political and constitutional developments, in many of the Non-Self-Governing Territories that are within the purview of the (UN) Special Committee (on Decolonisation)."

The UN General Assembly has also adopted annual resolutions on the Implementation of the (Decolonisation) Declaration, most recently Resolution 64/106 of 10 December 2009 which:

  "Reaffirm(ed) once again that the existence of colonialism in any form or manifestation, including economic exploitation, is incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, the (Decolonisation) Declaration (a universal human rights instrument) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights....

Reiterat(ed) its conviction of the need for the eradication of colonialism, as well as racial discrimination and violations of basic human rights."
 
The drafters of the U.S. report for 2010, however, did not make reference to any efforts during the period of review to promote the fundamental right of self-determination for the peoples of the non self-governing territories under US administration, pursuant to relevant U.N. resolutions, and consistent with the information which should be furnished to the Human Rights Council under the Universal Periodic Review. 
 
This is so even as the annex of the report includes the list of human rights treaties ratified by the U.S., including, inter alia, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forums of Racial Discrimination(CERD). It has signed (but not ratified) the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights  (ICESCR); and the American Convention on Human Rights. Article 1 of both the ICCPR and the ICESCR, include the following affirmation:
 
"All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development."
 
Perhaps the omission of reference to the fundamental human right of self-determination as related to the non self-governing territories will be addressed when the Human Rights Council considers the U.S. report in November 2010 - or is it that some human rights are more 'fundamental' than others? (Will an addendum to the report covering the self-determination process be issued before November)?
 
The areas presently covered by the report are as follows:

Report of the United States of America
Submitted to the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights
In Conjunction with the Universal Periodic Review

I. Introduction
I.1 A more perfect union, a more perfect world 
I.2 The United States and the Universal Periodic Review: approach and methodology 

II. The United States and human rights: normative and institutional background
II.1 Human Rights as the ends of government and the means of progress
II.2 Enduring commitments

III. A commitment to freedom, equality, and dignity
III.1 Freedom of expression, religion, association, and political participation
III.2 Fairness and equality
III.3 Dignity

IV. A commitment to foster a society where citizens are empowered to exercise their rights
IV.1 Education
IV.2 Health
IV.3 Housing

V. A commitment to values in our engagement across borders
V.1 Values and National Security
V.2 Values and Immigration
V.3 Values and Trafficking

VI. Conclusion

The full report is available at:  http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/146379.pdf


Editor's Note: The most recent reference we could find to non self-governing territories in a U.S. report to a United Nations human rights body was contained in the 2007 Periodic Report of the United States of America to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination concerning the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD). In the Land and People section, the U.S. indicated:


"Neither the land area nor the basic federal-state organization of the United States has changed since submission of the Initial U.S. Report in 2000. Nor has there been change in the relationship between the United States and the outlying areas under U.S. jurisdiction – Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and several very small islands (emphasis added)."



24 June 2010

Governance Expert Analyses Implementation of Decolonisation Decade

Presentation

Dr. Carlyle Corbin
Independent Advisor on Governance
Statement to the Special Committee on Decolonisation
United Nations Headquarters
New York, N.Y.
23rd June 2010

on agenda items:
• Implementation of the (Decolonisation) Declaration

• Implementation of the (Decolonisation) Declaration by the Specialised Agencies and International Institutions Associated with the United Nations

Introduction

Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the Special Committee on Decolonisation, I appreciate this opportunity to address you on issues related to the implementation of the Decolonisation mandate during the Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism (2001-2010).  

I. Implementation of Decolonisation Resolutions

Mr. Chairman,

At the regional seminar in Noumea, I presented a paper on the "Implementation of the Declaration Mandate during the Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism," and proposed some future strategies for the completion of the mandate. I had presented previous independent analyses of the first International Decade which ended in 2000 at the Pacific Regional Seminar in Majuro, Marshall Islands; and a mid-term review of the second IDEC at the Caribbean Regional Seminar in Canouan, St. Vincent and the Grenadines.

The 2010 analysis examined the decolonisation resolutions of the General Assembly during the decade, as well as the recommendations of the Caribbean and Pacific regional seminars which emerged as the most successful exercise during the decade. The analysis explored the level of implementation of the actions called for by the wider United Nations system, including the Special Committee, the administering Powers and relevant intergovernmental organisations, consistent with recognised international standards.  I would like to highlight some of the key issues identified in the analysis covering the period 2001-2010:

• The UN General Assembly called for the intensification of information on decolonisation to the territories, including through the UNICs, the need for political education programmes in the territories, and UN supervision or observation of self-determination processes in the territories. Only Tokelau was supported by a UN information programme during the period, with the support of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Electoral Affairs Unit.

• The Assembly reiterated its longstanding call to examine the compliance with the inalienable right of the people of the non self-governing territories to ownership, permanent sovereignty, control and disposal of their natural resources, including land and marine resources, and their rights to the exclusive economic zones. In cases such as Guam and the US Virgin Islands, it is clear that the mandate on the ownership of the natural resources is not sufficiently taken into account.

• Administering Power cooperation with the Special Committee was a continuing feature. New Zealand continued its exemplary cooperation with the Special Committee vis a vis Tokelau. The United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US), which withdrew their formal cooperation decades ago, have not returned  formally to the Committee sessions, although both countries were present at the most recent Caribbean Regional Seminar in St. Kitts & Nevis in 2009. The UK also participated in the 2010 Pacific Regional Seminar in New Caledonia.

• To its credit, the UK facilitated the Special Committee’s Caribbean Regional Seminar to Anguilla in 2003, and subsequent visiting missions to Bermuda, and the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI), in 2005 and 2006, respectively, providing the committee with much needed first-hand knowledge of the situation on the ground. I had the honour to have served as the UNDP Independent Expert on the Bermuda and TCI missions. France has cooperated both with the Committee, as well as with regional organisations such as the Pacific Islands Forum and the Melanesian Spearhead Group on missions to New Caledonia.

• During the Second International Decade (IDEC), the former Bush Administration declined requests of the elected governments of Guam and the US Virgin Islands to host visiting missions and regional seminars, and in 2008 announced that the territories under their administration were ‘domestic matters,’ and therefore outside of the purview of the Special Committee. This announcement appeared not to have elicited a discernible reaction from the Special Committee. Requests are pending from American Samoa, and it is hopeful that the new administration in Washington would recognise the international legal dimension of the non self-governing territories under its administration, and resume cooperation with the Special Committee, and in the process, facilitate visiting missions to those territories.

• During the period, the General Assembly began to recognise self-determination as a fundamental human right in regards to the decolonisation process of the territories, but its repeated mandated actions for programmes of collaboration between the Special Committee and institutions such as the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the Human Rights Committee, CARICOM, African Union, among others, have never materialised. The Secretary General reports on implementation of the decolonisation mandate make no reference to any collaboration with these bodies other than reference that the Special Committee “takes note of,” or “continues to follow” their work. The CERD Reports throughout the Second IDEC lament the fact that repeated requests to the Special Committee for information on racial discrimination illicit copies of the annual working papers on each territory which contain no information on racial discrimination. This is identified as a tangible concern.

• To this end, the Assembly called for an annual review on the implementation of decolonisation resolutions during the first and second IDECs. For most of the period, these reports did not materialise. In 2009, a report was issued which represented the replies from three member States to requests for information from the UN Secretary-General, but no information on the compliance by the UN system. In fact, throughout the Second IDEC, there was a consistent reliance on compilations of replies from member states, or from several UN agencies, to form Secretary General  reports on implementation, as compared to implementation reports on other agenda items which were detailed, analytical and comprehensive. Member States, in particular those of the Caribbean Comunity (CARICOM), have repeatedly expressed the view to the Fourth Committee that the Secretary General reports on implementation of the decolonisation mandate were insufficient.

• Initiatives of the plan of action of the first and second IDECs, in particular, two critical analyses on the constitutional, political and economic development of the territories were not undertaken. Concern for this omission of analysis was consistently expressed in statements of CARICOM to the Fourth Committee dating to the 1990s and throughout the second IDEC. A proposal for an Independent Expert to undertake the required studies, contained in a Programme of Implementation endorsed by the General Assembly, was deferred and never implemented.

• The initiation of a case-by-case approach to the examination of each territory was successfully being initiated with Tokelau, and was begun with American Samoa, but not continued.

II. Recommendations of the Regional Seminars

There were a number of new initiatives called for in the various regional seminars, but which did not make their way into the resolutions. Nevertheless, they are still considered part of the decolonisation mandate. Several  such initiatives included:

• The formation of an expert group from the non self-governing territories to advise the Secretary-General and the Special Committee on concrete measures to achieve full decolonisation. Such a group was formed, but operated outside of the UN framework.

• An annual joint meeting between the Special Committee and the UN Economic and Social Council  (ECOSOC) on the agenda item of assistance to the territories given that both bodies have almost identical resolutions. Also re/ ECOSOC, the extension of observer status for the territories in several of the relevant functional commissions such as the Commission on Sustainable Development, the Commission on Social Development, and the Statistical Commission. This was dismissed as a “constitutional” violation by one administering Power, even as the territories have observer status in UN General Assembly proceedings, endorsed by the administering Powers,  in the same functional areas – apparently, not a constitutional violation.

III. Participation of Non Self-Governing Territories in the UN System

The mandate of the second IDEC contained a consistency of advocacy of the practice of UN assistance to non self-governing territories from the UN system. This is found in resolutions of the UN General Assembly, as well as ECOSOC. I had the honour of presenting a paper on this issue at the seminar in New Caledonia last Month, and will highlight a few points:

• The regional commissions are the most active in relation to the direct participation of the territories as associate members, particularly in the case of ECLAC and ESCAP. Similar provisions exist in various UN specialised agencies (UNESCO, FAO, WHO et al).

• UNDP is the primary coordinator of assistance to the territories from the UN system. In both case of direct participation as associate members or observers, or as recipients of assistance, the terms of reference of the institution are respected, and in addition, the administering Power must agree to the type of participation or assistance concerned. Nevertheless, abstentions persisted during the second IDEC on the resolutions in the UN General Assembly and ECOSOC on this agenda item based on the need for respect for the rules of procedure of the respective bodies. These rules are already being respected, but the abstentions continue, nevertheless.

• The participation of those territories in the world conferences and the special sessions of the UN General Assembly on meetings in the economic and social sphere was a main highlight in the first and second IDEC. This approach emanated from the Working Group of Associate Member Countries of the Caribbean Development and Cooperation Committee, a subsidiary body of ECLAC, which I had the honour to serve as chair during my ministerial tenure. Reports of the Working Group should be in the archives of the Special Committee dating back to the 1990s. The reports are available on the website of the Caribbean Subregional Headquarters of the Economic Comnmission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

A number of recommendations were also made to assisting the territories in engaging the international process. These include:

• The recommendation that the name of the agenda item should be changed from the lengthy reference to “Implementation of the (Decolonisation) Declaration by the Specialised Agencies and the International Institutions Associated with the United Nations” to simply, “Support to the Non Self-Governing Territories from the United Nations system.”

The name of the resolution in ECOSOC was so-changed several years ago, but the name of the agenda item remained. The study concluded that both the Special Committee and ECOSOC should change the name of the agenda item. No amount of UN General Assembly or ECOSOC resolutions will apparently influence UN economic and technical agencies to act simply because they do not recognise their responsibility to implement the Decolonisation Declaration. There is apparently nothing the Special Committee can do to change this objective reality. They might provide information on how these agencies are “providing support” to the territories as many of the agencies are active in this regard. This would require a change in the letter of request from the Secretary General to the agencies to this effect.

This is part of the reason why the SG Report on implementation of this resolution contains precious few agencies which responded to requests for information on how they are implementing the Decolonisation mandate, even as the same agency might actually be providing technical and other assistance to the territories. UNESCO, ESCAP, et al are cases in point.

• The UN Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) conducted an evaluation published in 2007 on aspects of how the decolonisation agenda is serviced by the UN system (E/AC.51/2007/2/Add. 3). It should be required reading for members of the Special Committee. Some of the findings included:

* The conclusion by the UN that the decolonisation mandate could be implemented in the near future.

* The need for an assessment of the relevancy, quality and utility of decolonisation documents before the Special Committee, including the Working Papers which are the main documents produced comprising 73 % of work time.

* The “significant risk” of loss of expertise given “the absence of systems for capturing knowledge about Special Committee and Decolonisation matters.”

Perhaps some of the concerns of the OIOS Report have been addressed since its publication in 2007, but as far can be determined, there have been no discussions – at least in formal session of the Special Committee – on the OIOS findings. The recent enhancements to the Department of Political Affairs, with new resources, did not include any identifiable resources for its Decolonisation Unit which services the Special Committee.

IV. Conclusion

Mr. Chairman,

It has long been established by the General Assembly that self-determination is a fundamental human right. It is therefore consistent to recognise that the contemporary colonial models, however sophisticated, are still inconsistent with this principle, do not meet the minimum standards of political equality, and are inconsistent with democratic governance.

It is from this perspective that the analysis of the implementation of the decolonisation mandate during the Second IDEC has shown a degree of increased attention to the necessity of alleviating the democratic deficiencies inherent in the present dependency arrangements through the implementation of the international decolonisation mandate as set forth in the United Nations Charter and resolutions of the General Assembly, as well as in the international human rights conventions.

In this context, the members States of the Special Committee have proposed action-oriented recommendations to the General Assembly which has adopted these resolutions by consensus, or at the very least, by overwhelming margins. Where the process has thus far not achieved its desired result is in the actual implementation phase where initiatives proposed, have not become initiatives undertaken. Most of the administering Powers appear to dismiss the important actions called for, and merely join in the consensus to re-affirm the decolonisation principles. Several have attempted to portray colonial reform as legitimate initiatives of decolonisation, suggesting that the territories under their administration are self-governing, after all. This sort of re-definition, however, has no basis in fact.

Some degree of implementation of the mandate, in the meantime, has come from a number of UN agencies which have begun to accelerate integration of many of the territories in their work programmes. Further work needs to be done in this area, however.

Dissemination of information on decolonisation to the territories and to the UN system as a whole, must be done by active means (publications, thematic seminars), rather than by the passive modality of informing that there is a website. A far more proactive approach is required utilising the considerable, but underutilized, tools of the wider UN system.

In the final analysis, there appears to be a clear difference in perception as to what constitutes success. The adoption of resolutions, and the de-listing of territories from UN review to reduce the numbers on the list, does not constitute success. The actual achievement of full self-government by the peoples of the territories is the real success. The de-listing is the afterthought. It should not be considered as the goal, and should not be perceived as such.

The intent of the analysis was not to be overly critical, but rather to provide a sober assessment of the objective reality of how the United Nations decolonisation process actually is handled at the UN, and most importantly, how the process actually impacts the people of the territories who look to the UN as a guarantor of their future. The intent is to promote progress. But as Martin King said, "progress does not roll in on the wheels of inevitability.

For the member States and the UN machinery to make progress in decolonisation, it needs to adapt to incorporate new ideas - many of which have already been introduced during the first and second IDECs -while remaining absolutely true to the principles of self-determination and subsequent decolonisation of the peoples of our remaining territories. The Special Committee needs to seriously examine whether its method of work is an impediment to that progress, as many of the territories have concluded.

As it has been said, the price of doing the same thing, year after year, is far greater than the price of change. This is so if the results of the “repetition of process” does not yield the desired result. Accordingly, a new decade with a revitalised plan of action is vital in this regard, with specific focus on implementation of the existing mandate through innovative means. The present method of work has not succeeded in the implementation of the mandate which remains as valid today as it has been over the twenty-year period of the two international decades for the eradication of colonialism.

Dr. Corbin is an expert on decolonisation who formerly served as Minister of State for External Affairs in the Government of the US Virgin Islands. He presented the position of the territorial government before the Special Comittee on Decolonisation, and the UN General Assembly Fourth Committee,  for over twenty years. He also served as an Independent Expert to UN regional seminars of the Special Comittee on Decolonisation, delivering papers on decolonisation issues in small territories throughout the First and Second International Decade(s) for the Eradication of Colonialism, most recently in St. Kitts and Nevis in 2009, and in New Caledonia in 2010. He previously served as the Independent Expert to the UN Visiting Missions to Bermuda, and to the Turks @ Caicos Islands, in 2005 and 2006, respectively.

25 March 2009

UN Human Rights Committee Reviews Australia

COMMITTEE MONITORING COMPLIANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL CIVIL, POLITICAL RIGHTS
COVENANT BEGINS CONSIDERATION OF FIFTH PERIODIC REPORT OF AUSTRALIA


UNITED NATIONS PRESS RELEASE
23 MARCH 2009


Australian Ambassador Andrew Goledzinowski today assured a panel of United Nations human rights experts that his country’s Government was firmly committed to adherence with its obligations under core human rights treaties at both national and global levels, and was also committed to a “renewed engagement of Australia as a nation with its indigenous peoples, based on reconciliation, mutual respect and understanding”.

Providing the 18-member Human Right Committee with an overview of Australia’s fifth periodic report on compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, he said that, at the global level, Australia had been working towards becoming a party to a number of human rights instruments, and inviting greater scrutiny by, and engagement with, international human rights mechanisms. Yet, he acknowledged that there were areas of disadvantage in the country, particularly in relation to its indigenous peoples.

“However, we are firmly committed to redressing that disadvantage,” he continued, noting that, early last year, the Australian Parliament had offered an apology to indigenous Australians -- in particular the “Stolen Generations” -- in relation to the thousands of Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander children who had been removed from their families and communities as a result of past practices. “The apology was an important and symbolic first step to build trust and good faith,” Mr. Goledzinowski said.

Going forward, the Government planned to focus on closing the gap on indigenous disadvantage across urban, regional and remote areas. A vital element of that strategy was the agreement of the Australian and state and territory governments to key targets to that end, focused on increasing life expectancy, improving the health of children and increasing participation in education and employment. He also said that, in 2008, some $A4.6 billion had been agreed on by the Council of Australian Governments for initiatives for indigenous Australians in areas such as early childhood development, health, housing, economic development and remote service delivery.

Highlighting a range of important domestic initiatives, including recent changes to Australia’s immigration laws and amendments ending discrimination against same-sex couples and their children, he also said the national human rights consultation process was an essential step towards the introduction of further measures to better protect such rights -- including those under the Covenant. That exercise. launched last year by the Attorney-General, was designed to seek the views of the wider Australian community on how human rights and responsibilities should best be protected in the future, and would undertake a range of awareness-raising activities to enhance participation by a wide cross section of Australia’s diverse population.

Following the Australian delegation’s response to some of the Committee’s written questions, several of the experts took the floor, including Michael O’Flaherty, expert from Ireland, who asked about the national consultative process. He noted that the exercise tended to frame questions rather broadly. How would the process ensure that all of Australia’s international obligations were taken into account, and that the process paid due respect to the indivisibility and universality of all human rights? To what extent was there an education and public information process occurring in parallel with the consultation, so that people could make informed responses, he asked?

Krister Thelin, expert from Sweden, said he was encouraged by upcoming improvements to the country’s anti-terrorism regime, including enhanced monitoring and oversight. At the same time, he was among the Committee members concerned, based on the reports from other experts, if such changes might be “too little and too late”. Those reports pointed out certain weaknesses in the system that might erode some individual protections. He wondered if the Australian Government had made any moves to tighten its definition of terrorism, or its listing procedures? The Government was to be complimented for its efforts to fight the global scourge, but it must also make sure it kept measures in place to safeguard fundamental rights.

Background

The Human Rights Committee met this afternoon to begin its consideration of Australia’s fifth periodic report on compliance with the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (document CCPR/C/AUS/5 and Corr.1), which covers the period from January 1997 to June 2006. In accordance with the 2006 harmonized guidelines on an expanded core document (HRI/MC/2006/3/Corr.1), Australia has included topics in the core document which are congruent between some or all of the major human rights treaties.

To that end, Table 1 of the current report outlines where the Covenant provisions are addressed in the core document. Where particular issues are not addressed in the expanded core document, the Australian Government refers the Committee to its previous reports. Table 2 sets out the issues raised by the Human Rights Committee in its concluding observations on Australia’s third and fourth periodic reports under the Covenant, and where these are addressed in the core document or in the present report. The current report also details communications arising under the First Optional Protocol to the Covenant during the reporting period.

Introduction of Report

The Australian delegation, headed by Ambassador Andrew Goledzinowski, also included Bill Campbell QO, First Assistant Secretary, Office of International Law, Attorney-General’s Department; Bruce Smith, Branch Manager, Intergovernmental and Policy Branch, Office of Indigenous Policy and Coordination, Department of Families, Housing, Community Service and Indigenous Affairs; Robert Illingworth, Assistant Secretary, Compliance and Integrity Policy Branch, Department of Immigration and Citizenship; Helen Horsington, First Secretary, Australian Mission to the United Nations in New York; and Roxane Nolan, Principle Legal Officer, Office of International Law, Attorney-General’s Department.

Providing an overview of the report, Mr. GOLEDZINOWSKI said his country’s Government was firmly committed to achieving adherence to the tenets of the Covenant and other international human rights instruments. It believed that the best way to improve human rights was through its own domestic measures, as well as through strengthening Australia’s engagement with the United Nations relevant treaty framework.

Continuing, he said that, on the domestic side, one important initiative was the national human rights consultation process, as an essential step towards the introduction of further measures to better protect such rights -- including those under the Covenant. At the global level, Australia had been working towards becoming a party to a number of human rights instruments, and inviting greater scrutiny by, and engagement with, international human rights mechanisms.

He went on to say that, this past December, Australia’s Attorney-General had launched the National Human Rights Consultation, recognizing that the protection and promotion of human rights was a question of national importance for all the people of the country. The exercise was designed to seek the views of the Australian community on how human rights and responsibilities should be best protected in the future, and would undertake a range of awareness-raising activities to enhance participation by a wide cross section of Australia’s diverse community.

The Consultation was being conducted by an independent committee of four eminent persons, he said, adding that the National Human Rights Consultation Committee would provide a comprehensive report to the Government of the views of the wider citizenry on options for protecting human rights in August this year. That report would be a key consideration in subsequent decisions by the Government on further developing human rights protections in the country.

Turning to indigenous issues, he acknowledged that there were areas of disadvantage in Australia in relation to its indigenous peoples. However, the Government was firmly committed to redressing that disadvantage and the current Administration was committed to a renewed engagement of Australia as a nation with its indigenous peoples, based on reconciliation, mutual respect and understanding. In February 2008, the Australian Parliament had offered an apology to indigenous Australians -- in particular the “Stolen Generations” -- in relation to the thousands of Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander children who had been removed from their families and communities as a result of past practices. “The apology was an important and symbolic first step to build trust and good faith,” he said.

Continuing, he said the Government’s focus would be on closing the gap on indigenous disadvantage across urban, regional and remote areas. A key element of that strategy was the agreement of the Australian and all State and Territory Governments, through the Council of Governments, on key targets to that end, focused on increasing life expectancy, improving the health of children, and increasing participation in education and employment. He also said that, in 2008, some $A4.6 billion had been agreed by the Council of Australian Governments for initiatives for indigenous Australians in areas such as early childhood development, health, housing, economic development and remote service delivery.

On the country’s immigration system, he said that system aimed to ensure that, throughout the process, all persons seeking protection were treated fairly, cared for and assisted appropriately, and treated with dignity and respect, in compliance with Australia’s obligations under core human rights treaties. He acknowledged that, in the past, there had been challenges in balancing the treatment of those seeking asylum with efforts to ensure Australia’s borders were adequately protected. Since the report had been completed, significant reforms had been initiated within the immigration system to “reinforce humanity, fairness, integrity and public confidence in our policies”, including, among others, abolishing the so-called “Pacific Solution”, improving services to asylum seekers, and enhancing the quality of protection decision-making.

After noting Australia’s new approach to detention, and its enhancements to its refugee status assessment process, he went on to note such issues as same sex reforms in the country, including Parliament’s passage of legislation last year to amend 84 federal laws to remove discrimination against same-sex couples and their children. He also detailed his Government’s commitment to ensuring the country had in place a strong counter-terrorism strategy that protected its citizens, and which also complied with human rights obligations. To that end, in December 2008, the Government released a comprehensive response to a number of reviews of national security legislation announcing measures deigned to ensure such balance, including through the creation of a National Security Legislation Monitor, and the establishment of parliamentary oversight of the Australian federal police.

Finally, he noted his country’s formal accessions to the Optional Protocol of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women on 4 December 2008, and its ratification in July 2008 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. He also announced that the Government was working towards becoming a party to the Covenant’s Optional Protocol. He noted that, on 7 August 2008, the Government had issued a standing invitation to United Nations human rights experts to visit the country. He reiterated his Government’s deep commitment to upholding its obligations and engaging constructively with the Committee over the next two days.

Replies to Experts’ Questions

The first question dealt with laws in place to implement the provisions of the Covenant, fielded by Mr. CAMPBELL. He said that the Federal Government, States and self-governing territories of Australia shared the responsibility of giving effect to Covenant rights. The Government believed that domestic laws already complied with the treaty, even prior to its ratification. Australia had a human rights commission that could inquire and conciliate complaints on the breach of human rights. Where there was a breach, the commission must report its findings to the Commonwealth Attorney General, who then tabled those reports in Parliament.

He listed various laws through which the Covenant was implemented, including a racial discrimination act, sexual discrimination act, discrimination against disabilities act, workplace relations act and others, which were complemented by anti-discrimination laws at State and territory level. It was possible that a legislative charter of rights might emerge from the human rights consultation process, mentioned earlier.

Turning to question 2, on Australia’s reservations under the Covenant, he said there was no intention to withdraw from them, as they were still considered necessary. With regard to reservations against the provision dealing with separate remand of detainees, it was necessary, at times, to house accused and convicted individuals together. In some cases, convicted inmates might be returned to the centre where they were housed prior to sentencing, while awaiting a transfer. In the case of separation of children and adults, it was not always desirable to separate juveniles from others in all circumstances. That was true in cases when it might entail solitary confinement, or might lead to the placement of juveniles in conditions less amenable than that of other convicts.

Concerning Australia’s reservations on a provision requiring statutory compensation in the miscarriage of justice, he said the granting of compensation did not necessarily have a statutory basis.

He said Australia’s continued reservation on the provision against incitement to religious hatred reflected the country’s strong tradition of freedom of expression. Racial or religious hatred, while a problem, was not believed to fall under a criminal jurisdiction.

Moving to question 3, on compliance with the Committee’s views under the First Optional Protocol, he noted that, of the seven cases referred to by the Committee, five raised issues relating to Australia’s immigration laws, policies and practices. The Government had instituted measures to reduce the likelihood of future communications on those subjects, for example, by ensuring that detention was only used as a last resort. Further, the Department of Immigration would have to justify any decision to detain individuals. He referred the Committee to the answers provided in Australia’s written response on cases relating to immigration issues.

On question 4, whether Australia considered its agents abroad to be bound by the Covenant and its Second Optional Protocol, he said the Government accepted the fact that there might be certain exceptional circumstances in which rights and freedoms might be relevant beyond the territory of a State party. Australia’s view on the exact jurisdictional scope of the Covenant was not settled. The Government believed that the extent to which Australia’s obligations were applicable depended on the degree of effective control exercised by Australia, as linked to its legal basis for its operations overseas, whether that be a United Nations mandate or agreements made with the host country. In all cases, it would respect the fundamental rights and freedoms provided under the Covenant. To the extent Australia could extend them to military operations occurring outside Australia, it would endeavour to implement the Covenant’s provisions as appropriate to the circumstances.

He stressed that Australian officials were obliged to comply with Australian criminal law that had extraterritorial application, such as the prohibition of torture.

In response to question 5, on how Australia would ensure that anti-terror laws were compatible with the Covenant, he said anti-terror laws had strict safeguards. Australia also had a monitoring body within the Prime Minister’s portfolio to review counter-terrorism legislation. Law enforcement and security authorities were subject to oversight by an ombudsman and Inspector General of intelligence and security. The Council of Australian Governments would study the outcome of a review of the anti-terrorism bill of 2005, and that would encompass State and territorial legislation.

He said the security and intelligence organization act provided that the subject of a warrant be treated with humanity, and be protected from cruel and inhuman treatment. There was a strict time limit on the period of questioning, and they had a right to a lawyer. The law did not apply to those under 16 years of age, while those aged 16 to 18 years were subject to special provisions. The federal police could also apply to court for a control order, if it was thought that such an order would prevent a terrorist act, while observing the appropriate safeguards. He also discussed safeguards relating to Australia’s “stop, search and question” policy. A police officer would not use force more than reasonably necessary or longer than needed, he added.

Turning next to strategies undertaken to reduce what the Committee saw as the disproportionate number of indigenous Australians in conflict with the criminal justice system, Ms. NOLAN said the Government was actively exploring innovative strategies to divert indigenous Australians from the criminal justice system. It had funded a number of plans and programmes to address that matter, including the Aboriginal and Torres Straight Prevention, Diversion and Restorative Justice Programme, Legal Aid for Indigenous Australians, and the National Law and Indigenous Advisory body. As an example, she said the legal aid programme funded a network of providers throughout the country to deliver such services in rural and remote areas in all States and territories.

On making Australia’s native title system more equitable, she said the Government was trying to enhance that system by taking a more flexible approach. It was not “overhauling” that system. Among other things, the new approach treated native title as a means to address broader socio-economic issues. It also aimed to address indigenous peoples’ goals and aspirations. She said that the “Native Title Amendment Bill 2009” took a less adversarial and more negotiation-oriented approach aimed to introduce targeted reforms to that system. The contents of the bill had been transmitted to parties throughout the country and had been published on the Internet. Ministers were working proactively to resolve native title claims, she added.

Mr. SMITH, addressing questions on a 2007 report by the Board of Inquiry into the Protection of Aboriginal Children from Sexual Abuse in the Northern Territory, acknowledged that the survey had found such abuse to be widespread and seriously underreported in aboriginal communities. The report had highlighted strong connections between alcohol abuse, violence and the sexual abuse of children, and had stressed that, in some communities in the Northern Territory, such abuse and neglect was at “crisis levels” and required immediate attention.

Following the issuance of the report, the previous Australian Government had set up the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER), which had produced three emergency response bills that had been passed by Parliament in 2007. That legislation had aimed to protect children and make communities safe, in the first instance, and lay the foundation for a sustainable future for indigenous people in the Northern Territory. Immediate measures had included provision of additional policing, child health checks, repairs to infrastructure and alcohol and pornography restrictions. The current Australian Administration had placed stronger emphasis on engagement with aboriginal people affected by NTER. The Northern Territory Emergency Response Review Board had been set up to monitor implementation of the response measures.

The Board found, among other things, that some aboriginal communities had felt hurt and betrayed that they had not been consulted on the initial process, and that feeling had undercut some NTER initiatives. The Government had agreed that it would continue NTER within the framework of genuine consultation, respect for human rights obligations and in conformity with the 1975 Racial Discrimination Act. Indigenous people would be consulted in the process, he stressed.

On violence against men and women, he provided relevant statistics broken down by age groups, including information indicating women were more likely to be physically or sexually assaulted by men they knew. The Government had implemented a “zero-tolerance” policy on the issue and the relevant council was working on a national plan aimed at reducing such violence. Further, the Government had already invested heavily in analyzing domestic issues and attitudes on the issue. Other measures included the setting up of a specialized family violence programme, as well as a plan to address homelessness, especially since a major cause of homelessness among women was family violence. The Indigenous Family Violence Programme was among those targeting Australia’s native communities, he added.

Next, Ms. NOLAN said Australia provided support for victims of trafficking, and those who cooperated with authorities in investigations and prosecutions of their traffickers were provided with a range of social services. Such services included assistance with income, social support, counselling and training. Additional support was provided for those who no longer lived in Australia, but had returned to the country to give testimony in trafficking cases. Where victims did not choose to assist, the person was helped to return to their home country, unless they were eligible to remain in Australia.

Experts’ Comments and Questions

MICHAEL O’FLAHERTY, expert from Ireland, said he would have liked to have heard from a representative from States, since much of the implementation of the Covenant’s provisions fell to them. He commended the contribution of non-governmental organizations to the official response, and praised the Government for its quick submission of replies, but expressed concern over scanty responses on issue of high importance. For example, responses to article 27, on indigenous persons, received only four paragraphs. In addition, the report was dated 2008, but referenced much older material. Although Australia ought to be commended for pioneering the “expanded core document process” in human rights reporting, it had resulted in too little detail on issues of relevance to the Covenant. He suggested that it might be advisable for the Government to return to a more traditional approach.

He asked about the consultative process to better implement human rights in Australia, noting the process tended to frame questions rather broadly. How would the process ensure that all of Australia’s international obligations were taken into account, and that the process paid due respect to the indivisibility and universality of all human rights? To what extent was there an education and public information process occurring in parallel with the consultations, so that people could make informed responses? To what extent was the Government going beyond scientifically established methods to gather empirical information? Finally, what was the budget and timeline?

He then asked to what extent the Covenant and international human rights law were invoked in federal courts, remarking that non-governmental organizations were reporting a low level of citation at that level. Was the Government providing training for court professionals on matters of international law?

He said the panel did not adequately answer the Committee’s questions regarding measures and mechanisms to ensure compliance with the Committee’s views on communications. Some of the responses referred to certain websites, but he cautioned the delegation from assuming that Committee members had access to the Web or, if they did, that the websites were offered in all the Committee’s working languages.

He acknowledged the delegation’s assurances of prospective changes in the law to be more compliant to the Covenant, but nevertheless reminded them that it was the Committee’s duty to invite them to reconsider their reaction to its views. In terms of the so-called immigration cases, he said that the delegation’s opening statement today had given him the impression that detention would occur on the basis of some subjective determination. Was that true? What remedy would be given to the plaintiffs involved in those? The same was true in non-immigration cases, such as Young v. Australia and others. He also asked for information on two communications that were not dealt with in the written responses.

He said the response to question 6 was “somewhat anecdotal”. Why was there not more use of quantitative data in the response? For example, why was it difficult to gather statistics and figures on the outcome of an independent review of the Murray Court?

He then asked for more information on several new initiatives, including the new national indigenous law and justice advisory body, asking to whom it delivered its advice, and what was the timeline for its work? He posed similar questions regarding the Standing Committee of Attorneys General effort to draft an indigenous law and justice framework. What status would the framework ultimately have? If the Government was undertaking an overhaul, why was the word “overhaul” then not used? “Overhauling” something did not indicate failure.

On the new role of the Federal Court of Australia and amendments to native title, he asked whether the new bill of March 2009 included those changes. He noted also that the Government was interested in examining proposals to encourage “agreement-making”. How was the Government propelling work on such proposals?

On follow-up to issues relating to family violence and child abuse within indigenous communities, he noted that a child protection framework would be finalized in early March 2009. When would that be in place? How would the framework address issues of abuse within the indigenous community specifically? The Council of Governments had agreed to establish a clearinghouse on indigenous “outcomes” in April 2007. How did the clearinghouse target issues of violence and abuse specifically?

Regarding question 11, on extradition and mutual assistance around cases that might lead to the death penalty, he said the Second Optional Protocol prohibited extradition where persons were subject to the death penalty. He asked for information on safeguards that Australia was elaborating in that regard. He understood that assistance to a State in which the death penalty might be imposed could be waived in special circumstances, but that the term “special circumstances” had not been defined. When might they arise? The Act did not apply in the “Bali Nine” case. How did Australia ensure compliance with the Optional Protocol in that case?

HELEN KELLER, expert from Switzerland, asked for more clarification on Australia’s remaining reservations to the Covenant, saying the time might be ripe to reconsider reservations concerning article 10, paragraph 2(a) and (b), and 3. Like Mr. O’Flaherty, she also asked what Australia was doing to address extradition and mutual assistance in death penalty situations. She also asked what the Government proposed to do in light of a 2008 report on preventing crime and promoting the rights of indigenous youth with mental health issues. Similarly, a report of October 2006 precluded courts from considering background or customary laws for those convicted of federal crimes. What impact might that act have on indigenous children being overrepresented in the juvenile justice system? On violence against women, she noted a report of August 2008, and asked what the Government would do to implement its recommendations.

Next, KRISTER THELIN, expert from Sweden, praised Australia’s human rights record and urged the country to work in that spirit to remove the remaining flaws in its human rights system. He echoed Mr. O’Flaherty’s belief that the report was “scanty” and wondered if the delegation would reconsider its compilation procedures in the future. On the substance of the opening presentation, he was encouraged by upcoming improvements to the country’s anti-terrorism regime, including enhanced monitoring and oversight.

At the same time, he was concerned, based on the reports from other experts, if such changes might be “too little and too late.” Those reports pointed out certain weaknesses in the system that might erode some individual protections. He wondered if the Australian Government had made any moves to tighten its definition of terrorism, or its listing procedures? The Government was to be complimented for its efforts to fight the global scourge, but it must also make sure to keep measures in place to safeguard fundamental rights.

PRAFULLACHANDRA NATWARLAL BHAGWATI, expert from India, asked for further clarification on the Australian Government’s programmes for assistance to persons who had been “trafficked” into the country. What were the statistics? What type of assistance had they received? If they had remained in the country, what were they doing now? He also asked under what circumstances a “criminal justice stay” was issued, and what were the results or conclusions of the ongoing review of existing visa provisions. Were discussions underway to revise that procedure?

ABDELFATTAH AMOR, expert from Tunisia, said that given the democratic nature of Australia and its commitment to democracy and human rights, why had it entered a reservation to Covenant article 20, on “prohibition of propaganda for war and advocacy for national, racial or religious hatred.” While a country must be attuned to freedom of expression, it must also guard against incitement to hatred, he said, adding that the Government’s reservation gave rise to serious concerns. He went on to express concern that the Government seemed to be routinely rejecting the Committee’s recommendations and general comments on specific issues.

Next, CHRISTINE CHANET, expert from France, agreed with others that it had been difficult to extract detailed information from the report as drafted. The Member States had established monitoring bodies for the core human rights treaties and it was up to those States to abide by the agreed rules. Australia’s report was a “very meagre” one, which referred to recommendations from an earlier report. Moreover, the documents had been provided only in English, creating “even more problems”. She was also concerned that the Committee’s findings were not being properly addressed, especially with regard to Covenant article 9, on the “right to liberty and security of persons”.

JOSÉ LUIS PEREZ SANCHEZ-CERRO, expert from Peru, asked, were there any cases of persons in Australia being held for upwards of two years without being charged with a crime? The country’s laws on detention dated back to 1958 and there didn’t seem to be any movement to change or update them. He was also among the experts concerned that Australia seemed reluctant to address recommendations and observations of the Committee. He noted that, dating back as far as 1993, the Australian Government had stated that the Committee’s observations were “non-binding”. However, all States parties to the Covenant were bound to take seriously the Committee’s decisions.

Taking the floor next, Sir NIGEL RODLEY, expert from the United Kingdom, welcomed that the “Pacific Solution” had been abolished and that the National Human Rights Consultation was under way. At the same time, he was concerned about some individual protections. For instance, if an individual seeking asylum was not a protected person under international law, such as the Fourth Geneva Convention, could he or she be treated “any way the State party wanted too”? He was also concerned by findings of the Red Cross that a high Australian military official had “ignored and contradicted” evidence of the “notorious” activities going on at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. Moreover, that official had said that such practices were consistent with international law.

He also asked for clarification about Australia’s position on the principle of non-refoulement. He cited “troubling” cases in which a person sent back to China had been tortured and had subsequently committed suicide, and another, sent back to Gaza, who had been killed there for allegedly cooperating with Israel. It was unclear what protection and follow-up measures Australia had in place, and he asked for clarification to that end.

AHMED AMIN FATHALLAH, expert from Egypt, noted that each State legislature had the power to create their own laws. How would the Federal Government ensure that those laws were compatible with Australia’s obligations under the Covenant?

FABIAN OMAR SALVIOLI, expert from Argentina, observed that the Federal Government was primarily responsible for making sure the Covenant was being upheld, and asked what measures were being taken to implement its provisions within each State and territory. How did the Government deal with State legislation perceived as incompatible? Also, was there a process to debate the possible withdrawal of Australia’s reservations to the Covenant, and was the Government seeking to hold dialogues with law schools to raise awareness about the Covenant among professionals within the judiciary?

He congratulated the Government on its zero-tolerance policy on violence against women, but noted that non-governmental organizations were reporting that instances of domestic violence were on the rise. What steps were being taken to train the judiciary with respect to rules and laws for eliminating violence against women? The same went for discrimination against indigenous persons. He also asked whether the Government had any policies for dealing with extradition involving possible cases of torture, such as in the case of women facing the possibility of female genital mutilation.

Delegation’s Response

Invited to respond to some of these questions in the limited time available, Mr. CAMPBELL chose to comment on mutual assistance and police assistance in cases involving the death penalty. He explained that mutual assistance was used to provide Government-to-Government assistance in criminal investigations and prosecutions to seek admissible forms of evidence. Police assistance referred to direct cooperation between police of different countries and tended to occur before entering into the mutual assistance process. When a person was charged or convicted of an offence that [attracted] the death penalty, the Attorney-General was required to refuse the request for assistance unless there was reasonable cause to do otherwise. An explanatory document accompanying the relevant act states that assistance would not be granted unless the other country agreed not to carry out the death sentence. However, the assurance was not necessary in cases where the evidence was exculpatory. Also, the Attorney-General had the discretion to refuse to provide assistance. It was not possible to provide a list of circumstances under which the Australian Government would consider special assistance, because it was decided upon on a case-by-case basis.

Similarly, he said police-to-police assistance could not be provided in cases [attracting] the death penalty unless the Home Affairs Minister approved it. The Attorney-General had already put forward a request to the Attorney-General’s Department and Australian federal police to review the procedure. The review was ongoing. On the Bali Nine, Mr. Campbell said the information from the Australian federal police provided to the Indonesian police had been reviewed by the federal court in January 2006. The court found that there had been a “rational purpose” for making the request and that the federal police had acted lawfully in communicating with their Indonesian counterparts. Nevertheless, the Australian Government would support vigorously any clemency pleas, should any Australian citizens pursue it. It was up to those convicted to determine the next steps with their legal teams.

Mr. ILLINGWORTH responded to queries regarding a statement by the Minister of Immigration on the mandatory detention within Australia’s immigration policies, a copy of which would be provided to the Committee tomorrow. The Government had affirmed that mandatory detention was part and parcel of border control for specific groups of people: unauthorized arrivals; unlawful non-citizens posing danger to the community; and unlawful non-citizens who refused to comply with visa conditions. However, indefinite or arbitrary detention was not acceptable. Length of detention and conditions of condition were subject to regular review. There were mechanisms to ensure that unauthorized arrivals were removed from detention at the earliest opportunity. Those decisions were made on a case-by-case basis.

Mr. Illingworth responded to questions raised by Sir Nigel regarding the al-Masri and Zhang cases, saying it was not Australia’s policy to remove persons in breach of international obligations. In relation to Mr. al-Masri, he told the Committee that material provided by various sources had revealed that his death occurred six years after his departure from Australia and, thus, the factors surrounding his death were not related to issues he faced while residing in Australia. In relation to the second case, he said the Government was similarly satisfied that the claimant was assessed appropriately, and that his departure from Australia was not in breach of the country’s international obligations.