18 March 2015

Bonaire Activist comments on "illegal" political status on eve of territory's election (Dutch)



Aan: De gezaghebber van het eilandgebied van Bonaire, dhr E Rijna en Minister van Binnenlandse zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties, Dhr. Plasterk Plaza Wilhelmina 1 

Bonaire, 17 maart 2018 

Betreft: verkiezing van de leden van de eilandsraad 18 maart 2015


Uit

James Finies
Postbus 341 
Kralendijk, Bonaire


Geachte Gezaghebber en Minister, 

In verband met de te houden ER-leden verkiezing van 18 maart a.s. breng ik U het volgende onder Uw aandacht:

-in 2004 is er een referendum gehouden die een fraudulente process heeft doorlopen en geen internationaal rechtsbasis bezit om de huidige staatsstructuur te hebben opgelegd op onze volk en niet het legitieme volkenrechterlijk stem geniet.

-op 10 Oktober 2010 is het autonome land Nederlandse Antillen ontbonden zonder de legitieme toestemming van het Antilliaanse volk (non-dissolution-principle) en tegen het stem van het volk van St Eustatius in.

-in december 2010 is er een referendum gehouden die de ilegale status van integratie in Nederlands staatsbestel als “openbaar lichaam” onder artikel 134 had moeten legitimeren. Dit nadat de afgesproken referendum in maart 2010 door de on-democratische vertegenwoordigers van het Nederlands belang gezaghebber Thode en gouverneur Goedgedrag op international-rechterlijke betwistbare redenen, waarbij volkenrechterlijk referenda verzwaardere eisen kan worden opgevoerd om de binding met het gebied te waarborgen hebben vernietigd. De vraag stelling: “ Ik ben er het ermee eens, dat Bonaire een openbaar lichaam is geworden in de zin van van artikel 134 van de Nederlandse grondwet: “Ja” of “Nee”. Dus de legitimatie van deze illegal status dat de bedoeling was van deze referenum is ook tot vandaag nog steeds uitgebleven , door de duidelijke afwijzing en sabotage van het referendum en tot op dit moment nog niet en nooit uitgebrachte rapport van de Verenigde Naties supervision.

-de eilandsraadsverkiezing van 8 maart 2011 had geen rechtsbasis door het niet legitimeren van de illegale OLB status door de referendum van december 2010. En bovendien heeft het volk ook de partij UPB die de status van OLB steunde en trok afgewezen en stemden op de andere partijen , PDB, PHU en MLB die een referendum wilden om het volk zich uit te laten spreken over hun toekomst.

-in september 2011 heeft dmv de gezaghebber Thode en de rijksvertegenwoordiger Stolte beiden a-politiek en on-democratisch vertegenwoordigers van Nederlands belang, door politieke interventie in de lokale politiek, de rechtmatige regerende koalitie gedestabiliseerd met het gevolg met het val van de koalitie en vormen van de huidige koalitie die ondemocratisch(met ca 1000 minderheids-stemmen) tot nu toe heeft geregeerd. 

-in september 2012 heeft het Boneriaans(en BES) bevolking weer uitdrukkelijk deze status, door de opgelegde 2de kamer-verkiezingen die ook een “verkapte legitimatie van deze status zou kunnen worden” afgewezen als hun volks-vertegenwoordigers (ca 80%).

-in mei 2014 heeft het Boneiraans(en BES) bevolking weer uitdrukkelijk deze status en Europese parlament verkiezing afgewezen(ca 80%).

-in december 2014 heeft St Eustatius een referendum georganiseerd waar u op de hoogte ben dat er hevig is gesaboteerd door de verantwoordelijke authoriteiten maar wel weer een duidelijk beeld en signaal gaf van de onvrede en opgelegde status van openbaar lichaam overduidelijk afwees en koos voor hun rechtmatige onschendbaar recht op zelf-bestuur of autonomie. 

Al deze feitelijke officiele legale intenties om subtiel via een verkapte democratie deze illegale status te legaliseren is zoals u ook weet door onze volk afgewezen, en niet eens mee te voegen de talloze protestacties, handtekening-acties, enz, tenzij U blijft doorzetten met het forceren van deze illegale status die het Boneriaans volk totzover heeft verdeeld en ongelukkig houdt. Nu is weer een oproep voor de Boneriaanse bevolking te gaan stemmen voor de eilandsraadsleden op 18 maart 2015. U gaf diverse malen aan dat deze eilandsraadsleden verantwoordelijk zijn voor het referendumwet en organiseren hiervan. En u zal ook weten dat er na 2004 oplopend tot un een bevolkings-imigratie-groei explosie was, 400% stijging waarvan de overgrote meerderheid Europese Nederlanders die naar hun (ei)land Nederland in de cariben, Caribisch Nederland, openbaar lichaam Bonaire zijn geimmigreerd en allemaal direkt stemrecht hebben verworven. Dus dat deze ER verkiezing van 18 maart 2015 nooit en nimmer een eerlijke democratische weergave zal zijn door deze invasieve stemgerechtigden, en u beweerd een verduidelijke beeld en zelfs als legitimatie of legalisatie van de tot nu toe illegale status van integratie(nooit heeft iemand of het volk van Bonaire voor integratie gestemd en op geen enkele stembiljet of referendum) in het Nederlands staatsbestel als Openbaar Lichaam. Verschijdene verzoeken aan U en de Minister om in een a-politieke positie in te grijpen en een a-politieke referéndum te helpen organiseren voor het volk, gebaseerd op het feit er een grove mensen en volkenrechterlijke schending van rechten plaats heeft gevonden en bovendien ons “onschendbare recht op zelf-bestuur” heeft geschonden en onteigend en u telkens weer verwijst en naar deze “ilegale en korupte en met invasief/besmette Europees-Nederlands stemmen democratie” overlaat. Dus al het corruptie en omkooppartijen dat niet meer een publieke geheim is maar een alledaagse aktiviteit(Booi heeft zelf op de Nlse TV bekend dat het normaal is?) omtrent de verkiezingen, dus uw ingevoerde volmacht-stemmen dat afgeschaft was op de Antillen daardoor, en u geen gehoor of geen serieuze intentie doet of neemt voor onderzoek of een of andere commissie in het leven heeft geroepen om de bevolking gerust te stellen dat u ook een oor heeft voor hun zorgen, dus het afkopen van hun enige zeggenschap, dus de verkiezing. Dat u dan laat blijken dat u de andere kant opkijkt, dus niet naar het waarborgen van hun veiligheid en rechtstaat basis, dus een eerlijke democratisch process. En verder het stempas distribuitie was direkt op hetzelfde pad als de gesaboteerde St Eustatius referendum van december 2014, onduidelijkheid en chaotisch, en verder stembiljetten uitgegeven aan mensen die zelfs meer dan 10 jaar niet meer op Bonaire wonen. Vandaar of is wel te begrijpen dat U aangeeft dat u alleen een geldige identificatie van voor 19 maart 2010 ook geldig is, dit zeker voor het uitoefenen van een corrupte-volmacht van een uitlandig wonende stemgerechtigde. 



Ook is te melden dat er de ca 25% funktioneel-analfabeet bevolkings-groep zeker grove problemen zal hebben met uw uitgebreide Nederlandstallige stempas instructies en zeker met uw Europees Nederlands stembiljetten zonder partij-kleuren tenzij u wel toestaat dat de partijen met hun folkloristische kleuren volop kampagne voeren, dus nog meer verwarring en chaos ondersteund en geen eerlijke democratisch process hier gaande is. Een en al en niet te vergeten hoe het mogelijk is of wij als volk moeten kunnen begrijpen dat u in de autonome landen Curacao, Aruba en St Maarten in hun interne politiek en autonomie ingrijpen en in uw eigen politiek-verantwoordelijk gebied en Nederland in de Cariben, Bonaire dat niet doet. Dus politieke leider die corruptiezaak bekent en veroordeeld wordt en door uw eigen ministerie ontslagen wordt toch blijft funktioneren als gedeputeerde, (plaatvervangende)gezaghebber en zonder enig argwaan van uw kant. Dus dan is ook duidelijk voor het volk dat de stapels corruptie zaken die uw openbaar ministerie jarenlang hebben uitgepluist en door uw zgn niet mee willen bemoeien met lokaal-politiek nooit zullen begrijpen en accepteren dat u presteer net voor alle laatste voorgaande verkiezingen onredelijk en wantrouwig te handelen in de zaken van de bekende politicus Booi die de trekker van deze illegale status is en verklaard heeft een referendum “over zijn dead body” dus nooit zal plaatsvinden. Nooit zal u kunnen verklaren dat voor de referendum van desember 2010, op 30 november 2010 de nasporing, onderzoek te stoppen door uw rechter, dan 26 januari 2011 seponeren van de zaken en in maart de verkiezing 2011, en in oktober 2014 een week voor de laatste stap in een unaniem geakoorde besluit tot starten van de referendumprocess, Booi weer vrij, weer in de Eilandsraad als lid toe-treed en direkt het referéndum stopt en nu alweer, echt het record , vrijspraak een paar dagen voor de verkiezingen. U zal wel begrijpen dat ons geloofwaardigheid in uw te noemen onafhankelijk rechtstaat organen en systemen echt geschaad is of niet meer te vertrouwen zijn en u als lokaal politiek instrumenten tegen de mensen en volkenrechterlijke zelfbeschikkingsrecht van het volk wordt beschouwd en wordt gebruikt.

Tenslotte teken ik hiermede oficieel bezwaar tegen deze eilandsraads-leden-verkiezing die geen legitieme rechtsbasis bezit, en geen eerlijke democratisch basis bezit door uw invasieve opgelegde Europese Nederlanders stemgerechtigden en deze illegale status niet legitimeer omdat het alleen te legitimeren of te leagliseren is door een legitieme zelfbeschikkings volksraadpleging en mijn stem (en alle willige petitie tekenaars voor een zelfbeschikkings referendum en anderen) onder protest uit zal brengen.


cc. Kabinet van de Koning Leden van de 2de kamer van de Staten-Generaal Leden van de 1ste kamer der Staten –Generaal Leden van de vaste commissie voor Koninkrijksrelaties Office of the High Commisioner for Human Rights

La 2da Marcha Oscar – Mandela en Puerto Rico / The 2nd Oscar - Mandela March in Puerto Rico



Saludos, 
La presente es para informarle que el domingo 22 de marzo de 2015 habrá una marcha pacífica para la excarcelación de nuestro preso político de 33 años, el patriota Oscar López Rivera y la descolonización de Puerto Rico.  La Segunda Marcha Oscar – Mandela en Puerto Rico será desde las 2 PM hasta las 5 PM.  La marcha será en el Viejo San Juan este año.  Oprima el siguiente enlace para ver un reportaje de nuestra primera marcha el año pasado: http://www.wapa.tv/noticias/locales/-primera-protesta-oscar-mandela-_20131122237557.html



Macharemos desde el Capitolio hasta el Tribunal de Estados Unidos en Puerto Rico. La ruta será por la Avenida Muñoz Rivera para seguir por la Calle San Francisco. Doblaremos a la izquierda por la Calle San José, para volver a doblar a la izquierda por la Calle Fortaleza.  Haremos una derecha por la Calle O’Donnel para continuar por laCalle Recinto Sur.  Nos ubicaremos frente al tribunal.  Los manifestantes pueden exhibir sus carteles y banderas de sus organizaciones. 



Habrán discursos de diferentes oradores y música.  Pepe Sánchez y Luis Enrique Romero serán los maestros de ceremonia.   



Algunos de los participantes, entre otros, serán: José Nogueras, El Topo, Noel Hernández, Luis Oliva, Silverio Pérez, Adean Caban Butter, y Daniel Rivera (hijo).



Los oradores serán: José M. López Sierra, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Dr. Héctor Pesquera, Lic. Alejandro Torres, Rafael Bernabé, Pedro Muñiz, Padre Efraín Rodríguez y Tito Kayac.



El Comité Timón del Pueblo de Compañeros Unidos para la Descolonización de Puerto Rico invita a todo aquel que cree que el colonialismo es un crimen en contra de la humanidad y una amenaza a la paz mundial a marcha con nosotros en el mismo día que conmemoramos la abolición de la esclavitud.  Oscar López Rivera ha cumplido casi 34 años en la cárcel por defender nuestro derecho inalienable a la auto-determinación e independencia. ¡Necesitaremos un tsunami de gente para que el gobierno de Estados Unidos cumpla con las 33 resoluciones de la Organización de Naciones Unidas para descolonizar inmediatamente a Puerto Rico!    



Ayude a sacar del closet a la colonia puertorriqueña.  Nuestras protestas serán permanente hasta que se logre la descolonización de Puerto Rico, y por supuesto, la excarcelación de nuestro patriota Oscar López Rivera.  El tsunami de gente es obviamente indispensable para lograr eso, porque los que practican o aceptan el colonialismo no creen en la justicia para todos.



Un abrazo solidario,

José M López Sierra
Comité Timón del Pueblo (CTP)
Compañeros Unidos para la Descolonización de Puerto Rico (CUPDPR)





Greetings Partners,

This is to inform you that on Sunday, March 22, 2015, a peaceful march will be held for the decolonization of Puerto Rico and the release from prison of our Puerto Rican political prisoner Oscar López Rivera.  The 2nd Oscar – Mandela March in Puerto Rico will be from 2 PM to 5 PM.  This year’s protest will be in Old San Juan.  We will march from the Capital Building to the United States (US) Courthouse in Puerto Rico.  Click on the following link to see a news report of last year’s march:http://www.wapa.tv/noticias/locales/-primera-protesta-oscar-mandela-_20131122237557.html

We will gather at the Capitol Building at 2 PM.  We will march on Avenida Muñoz Rivera and continue on Calle San Francisco.  We will make a left on Calle San José, and make another left on Calle Fortaleza.  We will turn right on Calle O’Donnel, to continue on Calle Recinto Sur.  We will assemble in front of the courthouse.  Marchers are encourage to bring signs and flags from their organizations.

We will have various orators and music.  Pepe Sánchez and Luis Enrique Romero will be our masters of ceremony.   

Some of the participants, among others, will be: José Nogueras, El Topo, Noel Hernández, Luis Oliva, Silverio Pérez, Adean Caban Butter, y Daniel Rivera (Jr.).

The orators will be: José M. López Sierra, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Dr. Héctor Pesquera, Lic. Alejandro Torres, Rafael Bernabé, Pedro Muñiz, Padre Efraín Rodríguez y Tito Kayac.


The People’s Steering Committee of United Partners for the Decolonization Puerto Rico invites everyone who believes that colonialism is a crime against humanity and a threat to world peace to protest on the very same day that we commemorate theAbolition of Slavery.  Oscar has spent almost 34 years in prison for defending Puerto Rico’s right to self-determination and independence.  This is why, Oscar is our Nelson Mandela! 

We will need a tsunami of people to make the US government comply with 33 United Nations resolutions to immediately decolonize Puerto Rico.  Help us get Puerto Rican colonialism out of the closet.  Our protests will be permanent until we achieve Puerto Rico decolonization, and of course, Oscar’s release.   The tsunami of people is indispensable to achieve that, because those who practice or accept colonialism don’t believe in justice for all!

Sincerely, 

José M López Sierra
The People's Steering Committee
United Partners for the Decolonization Puerto Rico

17 March 2015

Guam Congressional Delegate supports self-determination Process

CONGRESSIONAL ADDRESS 2015

Mar 12, 2015

"We cannot begin a conversation on improving the quality of life for our people without discussing the need to exercise our right to political self-determination."

Congresswoman Madeleine Z. Bordallo
Let me begin by asking everyone to rise for a moment of silence to honor the late Speaker Franklin J.A. Quitugua and Speaker Ben Pangelinan both faithful public servants for whom our island owes a debt of gratitude.

Governor; Acting Speaker; Acting Chief Justice; Members of the Diplomatic Corps; Monsignor David; Pastor Bob; Military Officials and other podium guests.

My dear people of Guam,

This evening, I stand before you with humble gratitude for the trust you continue to place in me to represent our island in Congress, and to report on federal issues important to our people. I congratulate Governor Calvo and Lieutenant Governor Tenorio on their reelection as our island’s chief executives.

I congratulate the reelected members of the 33rd Guam Legislature: Speaker Won Pat; Vice Speaker BJ Cruz; Legislative Secretary Tina Muna Barnes; Majority Leader Rory Respicio; Assistant Majority Leader Tom Ada; Minority Leader Tony Ada; Senator Frank Aguon Jr.; Senator Dennis Rodriguez; Senator Mike San Nicolas; Senator Brent McCreadie and Senator Tommy Morrison on their re-election.

I also want to recognize our newly elected Senators: Senator Nerissa Underwood and Senator Mary Camacho Torres.

And finally I want to recognize our two returning Senators, Senator Frank Blas Jr and Senator Jim Espaldon.

I also want to recognize our newly elected Attorney General Elizabeth Barrett-Anderson who has the distinction of being the first women appointed Attorney General. She joins a proud tradition of women firsts on Guam including the first woman in the Guam Assembly Rosa Aguigui Reyes; the first women Senators Cynthia Torres Johnston and Lagrimas Leon Guerrero Untalan; the first woman Public Auditor Doris Flores Brooks; the first woman President of the University of Guam Rosa Roberto Carter; the first woman to earn a PhD Katherine Bordallo Aguon, the first woman Federal judge Frances Tydingco-Gatewood; the first women US Attorney Alicia Limtiaco and the people of Guam have given me the distinction of being the first woman Lieutenant Governor and the first woman Delegate. All of you woman have contributed by being trailblazers in your fields. Nationally, I hope that a woman will break the glass ceiling and we will one day have a woman President of the United States. 

Over the past twelve years that I have been in office, we have made much progress to improve the quality of life here on Guam. I am committed to working with all our elected leaders to ensure that we continue to build a better Guam for our families and our children.

Self Determination

As I have stated on numerous occasions before this body, we cannot begin a conversation on improving the quality of life for our people without discussing the need to exercise our right to political self-determination. Resolving our political status with the United States through a legitimate act of self-determination is the most important step that we can take to address many longstanding legacy issues we have with the federal government, and it would provide us with a stronger foundation to ensure that policies enacted serve the best interests of our people.

I have witnessed every major effort to resolve our political status, and in every instance there have been stumbling blocks that have prevented us from achieving our goals. A few weeks ago, I heard a story that puts this journey in perspective. Hannah Gutierrez was a young girl around 3 or 4 when she accompanied her father, former Governor Carl Gutierrez, to one of the meetings of the Guam Constitutional Convention. She remembered hearing a speaker making the case for statehood. Hannah asked her dad if Guam were to become a state, would that mean that we would get snow like the states?

Today however, Hannah has grown up; she is an attorney and the Clerk of Court for the Supreme Court of Guam. Look at how much time has passed and consider all that has happened since Hannah was 3. Now consider how much we have lost by not moving in a more focused and determined way to resolve our political status.

Of course, hindsight is 20-20, and we cannot dwell on our past. We can however act now, and not wait for more years to pass before we have this conversation again. Over the years we have worked to move this issue forward, but whether it has been a lack of political will or our quest to obtain the perfect process for the political status vote, we have been unable to move off of square one. 

I believe that we must get on with this process, and I am urging the Governor and the Legislature to work with the Commission on Decolonization to begin the process so that we can make the self-determination vote a reality. I would also suggest that we remove the requirement to have a certain percentage of eligible voters registered before the vote can be set. I urge the Legislature to set the vote and let those who are eligible register by a certain deadline. Achieving decolonization will be a multi step process that will take time but we must begin to set the stage for this to completely play out. If we do not get this process going, Hannah may be a grandmother with little grandkids before we ever see our status quest come to fruition.

To promote our efforts to resolve our political status, in 2010 , I authored legislation, H.R. 3940, that authorized the Department of the Interior’s Office of Insular Affairs to use technical assistance grants for political status education. At that time, OIA had assured me that it would follow Congressional intent and make funds available to ensure that our people were knowledgeable of the options that would be presented to them, and understood the ramifications a change in political status would have on their daily lives. 

I continue to believe that the federal government should support our efforts to resolving our political status, and I will work with OIA to ensure that these grants are made available. However, OIA has consistently asked that local leaders submit a single grant proposal to them, as the Department will not selectively decide which programs to fund. The ball is in our court, and I hope that the Governor, the Legislature, and the Commission on Decolonization will provide the leadership needed to move on this issue.

Last week President Obama was in Selma, Alabama to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the ‘Bloody Sunday’ march. For those of us who live in the territories, the Presdient’s call for full voting rights seems a little hollow when you consider that Americans in the territories cannot vote for President and do not have full voting representation on the floor of the House. Following the Selma commemoration, comedian John Oliver, in his syndicated show Last Week Tonight, had a 15 minute segment on the territories and our quest for voting rights and representation. For those of you who have not seen this segment, I urge you to look it up on YouTube because the biting satire of comedy is probably the best way to express our frustration with the status quo. 

I am honored to be a part of a legal effort led by my former staffer, Neil Weare, and joined by many people on Guam including Leevin Camacho who are challenging the status quo through a current case before the DC Court of Appeals and other cases they may file to overturn the Insular Cases. I urge our local leaders and our people to join this grassroots movement and to support the “We the People” project. As President Obama said in Selma, “Because the single most powerful word in our democracy is the word “we.” We the People. We shall overcome. Yes we Can. It is owned by no one. It belongs to everyone. Oh, what a glorious task we are given, to continually try to improve the great nation of ours.”

READ THE FULL ADDRESS HERE .

16 March 2015

Corps électoral: nouveau rebondissement dans le feuilleton des demandes de radiations; Nations Unies implication nécessaire

  • Par Angélique Souche (A.P.)


Face au très faible nombre de radiations prononcées à l’issue des commissions administratives spéciales, l’UC-FLNKS et Nationalistes change de stratégie: pas de recours individuels massifs devant les tribunaux, mais une demande d’annulation totale du travail des commissions.

Le groupe UC-FLNKS et Nationalistes conduit par Rock Wamytan dénonce de nombreux dysfonctionnements qui auraient entaché le travail des commissions. Et cette fois, ce sont les magistrats qui sont pointés du doigt. Face au refus de la CAFAT et des services fiscaux de communiquer des données nominatives, ces derniers ont laissé le bénéfice du doute à l’électeur. Une position que l’UC-FLNKS et Nationalistes estime contraire aux directives préalables de l’Etat, le fameux vadémécum.


Pire, pour l’UC-FLNKS et Nationalistes, le magistrat officiant sur la Côte Est aurait refusé d’office toutes les radiations, sans même tenter la moindre investigation. L’Union Calédonienne et ses alliés crient donc à l’injustice, mais renoncent à porter les 3 500 électeurs devant les tribunaux, persuadés de s’engouffrer dans une nouvelle impasse.

Roch Wamytan during interview on grounds of
United Nations
Headquarters. (File Photo by OTR).
 


La contre-attaque sera donc plus politique : en demandant au Haut-commissaire – comme le permet le code électoral - de saisir le tribunal administratif pour annuler le résultat de ces commissions, l’UC défie en quelque sorte l’Etat et sa volonté de faire prévaloir le droit sur la lecture politique que réclament les non-indépendantistes.



Vincent Bouvier n’a pas encore dévoilé ses intentions, mais il est probable que l’épisode s’arrêtera là pour cette année… Pour cette année seulement, les leaders du groupe indépendantiste n’ont pas caché leur intention d’utiliser les 12 prochains mois pour récolter les preuves nécessaires à la radiation de ces mêmes 3 500 personnes en 2016.

**********************




New Caledonia Election Controversy Needs UN Involvement: Wamytan



Pro-independence leader skeptical French efforts ‘in line with the law’

WELLINGTON, New Zealand (Radio New Zealand International, March 13, 2015) – A New Caledonian pro-independence leader, Roch Wamytan, says his side is now convinced that without involving the United Nations, the electoral rolls won't be in line with the law.

Last month, France's highest court ruled that those eligible to vote in the territory's provincial elections must have been enrolled since 1998 or submit proof that they lived in the territory since 1988.

The restricted roll is part of the decolonisation process which is expected to lead to an independence referendum by 2018.

Magistrates sent from France have joined special commissions this month to vet the rolls amid claims by the pro-independence side that thousands of people voted last year illegally.

The commissions have thrown out most challenges, prompting Mr Wamytan to call on the French High Commission to seek a court order to annul the commissions' work.

He says the laws are made in Paris but they are not being applied in New Caledonia, in particular not in areas controlled by the anti-independence side.

Mr Wamytan says the magistrates don't exercise their full powers, with organisations withholding relevant information by citing privacy concerns.

The anti-independence camp, however, is incensed at the restrictions confirmed by the court, criticising Paris for failing to show political leadership.

But the French prime minister, Manuel Valls, this week confirmed that the government will strictly adhere to the court ruling, saying it is normal in a country with the rule of law.


14 March 2015

Grappling with the Bomb: Opposition to Pacific nuclear testing in the 1950s - by Nic Maclellan


LABOUR HISTORY MELBOURNE

THE AUSTRALIAN SOCIETY FOR THE STUDY OF LABOUR HISTORY INC.


Nic Maclellan, “Grappling with the Bomb: Opposition to Pacific nuclear testing in the 1950s”, Proceedings of the 14th Biennial Labour History Conference, eds, Phillip Deery and Julie Kimber (Melbourne: Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, 2015), 21-38. ISBN: 978-0-9803883-3-6. Available for download via Grappling with the Bomb LH Proceedings.

In the fifty years from 1946-1996, the United States, France and the United Kingdom conducted over 315 nuclear tests in the Pacific islands. Starting in the 1940s, there was popular opposition to these testing programs across Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Islands, led by trade unions, churches and indigenous organisations. The author, who was a member of the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement (NFIP) and served in its regional secretariat in Fiji, will discuss the impacts of nuclear testing on the civilian and military personnel who staffed the test sites over fifty years, as well as neighbouring island communities. Using British nuclear testing on Kiritimati (Christmas Island) as a case study, the article will detail ongoing efforts by nuclear survivors to seek recognition and compensation for the health an environmental impacts of testing.

From the beginning of the nuclear age, the United States, Britain and France sought “empty” spaces to conduct their Cold War programs of nuclear testing. For fifty years between 1946 and 1996, the deserts of Australia and the islands of the central and south Pacific were used to conduct over 315 atmospheric and underground tests at ten different sites. From 1946 to 1958, the United States conducted 67 atomic and hydrogen bomb tests at Bikini and Enewetak atolls in the Marshall Islands. In the 1960s, there were 25 further US tests at Christmas (Kiritimati) Island for Operation Dominic and nine more at Johnston (Kalama) Atoll.[1] Britain tested nuclear weapons in Oceania between 1952-58, with 12 tests at the Monte Bello Islands, Maralinga and Emu Field in Australia (1952-57).[2] These were followed by nine hydrogen bomb tests at Christmas (Kiritimati) Island and Malden Island in the central Pacific (1957-58).[3] After conducting 17 nuclear tests in Algeria at Reganne and In Eker between 1960-66, France moved its test sites to the South Pacific. From July 1966 to January 1996, France conducted 193 atmospheric and underground tests at Moruroa and Fangataufa atolls in French Polynesia.[4]

These desert and ocean sites were chosen because they seemed to be vast empty spaces. But the nuclear powers showed little concern for the health and well being of nearby indigenous communities and those civilian and military personnel who staffed the test sites. Many people in the Pacific welcomed the development of nuclear installations across the region, for the economic and employment opportunities created by an influx of military personnel. Political leaders, from Sir Robert Menzies in Australia to Gaston Flosse in French Polynesia, enhanced their political careers through their fawning loyalty to Empire. But significant minorities in countries across the region resisted the nuclear era and continue to campaign for compensation for the health and environmental consequences of more than 300 nuclear tests. Throughout the decades of testing in the Pacific islands, there was widespread popular resistance. Alliances of trade unions, churches, women’s organisations and customary leaders in the islands campaigned for an end to nuclear testing and the abolition of nuclear weapons. Support for nuclear disarmament in Pacific Rim countries like Australia, New Zealand, Japan and the United States is well documented, but there is less recognition of the long-standing resistance by Pacific Island peoples to the nuclear weapons programs.[5]

Following its founding conference in Fiji in 1975, the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement was a driving force in this campaign, linking the issues of environmental damage to indigenous campaigns for self-determination and political independence. The signing of the Rarotonga treaty for a South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone (SPNFZ) on Hiroshima Day 1985 and the end of French nuclear testing in 1996 were important milestones. However, before the revival of Pacific disarmament campaigning in the 1970s and 1980s, there were sporadic protests against nuclear testing in earlier decades across the islands region.

This paper starts with some examples of these islander protests during the 1950s. The paper then details responses to the UK nuclear testing program in the British Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony, codenamed Grapple, in 1957-8.[6] Most people recognise the names Maralinga, Bikini and Moruroa as nuclear test sites, but Kiritimati and Malden Island are less well known. For this reason, the paper presents the history of the Grapple tests through a patchwork of letters, archival records and oral testimony for four people: pacifist Harold Steele, businessman James Burns, Gilbertese woman Sui Benan Kiritome, and Fijian sailor Paul Ah Poy. These stories reflect the growing number of personal testimonies about nuclear testing in the Pacific. In recent publications, workers, military personnel and indigenous peoples have told their own history in their own words: women from Yankunytjatjara and Pitjantjatjara communities in South Australia; the Gilbertese workers and Fijian soldiers and sailors who witnessed Britain’s H-bomb tests; and the Maohi labourers who staffed the nuclear test sites of French Polynesia for 30 years.[7

READ THE FULL PAPER HERE.


13 March 2015

Life sentence for fighting Africa’s last colonial power


Peter Kenworthy
Africa Contact




A life-sentence in prison, torture and no medical treatment is the price Sidahmed Lemjayed and 22 of his fellow Saharawis have had to pay for fighting for independence and against the exploitation of resources in their homeland, Western Sahara.

“Saharawi political prisoners are daily exposed to systematic torture and ill-treatment, harassment, medical neglect and other abusive treatment”, the Committee for Supporting the UN Settlement Plan and the Protection of Natural Resources in Western Sahara (CSPRON) said in a statement last week.


Western Sahara, Africa’s last colony, has been illegally occupied by Morocco since 1975 despite the International Court of Justice, the international community and over 100 UN resolutions dismissing Moroccan claims to the territory and demanding a referendum on the status of Western Sahara that would almost certainly lead to independence for the indigenous population, the Saharawis.

ASSAULTED BY POLICE

CSPRON’s founder and President, Sidahmed Lemjayed, is suffering from a multitude of ailments due to the torture he has suffered at the hands of the Moroccan authorities. CSPRON reports that he has severe kidney, back, eye and foot pains and that he is not being given proper medication or treatment to ease this pain. Many of the other Saharawi prisoners in Salé prison near Rabat complain of similar disorders.

Sidahmed Lemjayed and 22 other Saharawis are serving prison sentences from 20 years to life imprisonment. Sidahmed was arrested, assaulted and imprisoned in December 2010 and subsequently held in isolation for 70 days and for two years without trial.

He was subsequently charged with membership of a “criminal gang” and “deadly violence” against members of the Moroccan security forces and sentenced by a Moroccan military court. Sidahmed and his fellow prisoners vigorously deny these charges and claim that they are being punished by the Moroccan authorities for having campaigned for the independence of Western Sahara – in effect a punishable offense according to Moroccan law.

TORTURE IS COMMONPLACE

Sidahmed Lemjayed had met with several human rights organizations and politicians to ask them to push for independence for Western Sahara and protect the natural resources of Western Sahara that Morocco is both illegally plundering and dangerously exhausting and over-exploiting prior to his arrest. Amongst others, he met with Human Rights Watch in 2006, a delegation of the European Parliament in 2009 and representatives of the US Embassy, says CSPRON.

For their part, Human rights Watch, Amnesty International, several other human rights organizations and the UN heavily criticized the trial of Sidahmed and the 22 other prisoners. Amnesty International regularly reports of Moroccan torture of Saharawis, and in an international anti-torture campaign last year they deemed Morocco (including Western Sahara) to be one of the five worst torturing nations in the world.

Based on visits to Morocco and Western Sahara, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, Juan Mendez, concluded in 2013 that a “systematic pattern of acts of torture and ill-treatment during the detention and arrest process can be detected”, and that “conditions in most prisons are still alarming, due to overcrowding, cases of ill-treatment and abusive disciplinary measures, unsanitary conditions, inadequate food and limited access to medical care”.

12 March 2015

Seeking a course: forum to discuss self-determination for Okinawa


Seeking a course: forum to discuss self-determination for Okinawa
In the afternoon of February 15, at the Okinawa International University in Ginowan City, intellectuals discussed Okinawa’s future at a panel forum "Seeking a course" to confirm Okinawa's right to self-determination.


On February 15 at the Okinawa International University, Ryukyu Shimpo and the Okinawa International University Institute of General Industrial Research held a forum called “Seeking a course-discussions of Okinawa’s right to self-determination.”
Intellectual panelists talked about the vicious cycles of discriminatory and colonial situations following the annexation of the Ryukyu Kingdom, known as the Ryukyu disposal in 1879, and World War Two, in which Okinawa was sacrificed. They claimed that now is the time for Okinawa to claim the right to self-determination and peace. They added that Okinawa could be a hub of conversations and exchanges in Asia.
Kang Sang-jung, president of Seigakuin University, suggested Okinawa declare itself as a demilitarized autonomous zone in Asia. Other intellectuals suggested Okinawa should make use of business opportunities with Asia and develop a cosmopolitan hub of human resources for Okinawa’s economic self-sufficiency.

Kang delivered a keynote speech with the title of “Ryukyu and Asia-debates over sovereignty.” Kang explained that the role of the U.S. military in Okinawa will diminish if Okinawa can build a security framework among Asian countries and regions. He said, “In order to do so, we need to overcome the issue of the divided Korean peninsula which is a symbol of the disjuncture of Asia.” Kang continued, “We need to stop the Cold War in the Korean peninsula, and strengthen the ties of solidarity in Asia.”

The first session was a discussion on the theme of “Lessons from history, and looking to futures.” Professor Hideaki Uemura of Keisen University pointed out the annexation of the Ryukyu Kingdom is internationally illegal based on treaties such as the 1854 Ryukyu-U.S. Treaty of Amity.
Beijing Normal University Associate Professor Kyo Ko claimed, “If East Asia is not at peace, Okinawa is not peace. If Okinawa is not at peace, there will be no peace in East Asia.” He said he hoped to promote exchanges between Okinawa and China.
Referring to the issue of the relocation of Futenma Air Station to Henoko, Professor Tsuneo Namihira of the University of the Ryukyus stated, “Now is the time to claim our self-determination and peace.”
Professor Jun Shimabukuro of the University of the Ryukyus said, “First of all, it is crucial to create the Bill of Rights for Okinawa. For that, it is important for people in Okinawa to be aware that we are subjects who hold the rights to self-determination.”
In the second session “Rights to Self-determination and the Economy of Okinawa,” Professor Moritake Tomikawa of Okinawa International University (OIU) explained that business expansion in Asia has started. Professor Ken Nakachi of OIU suggested promoting medical tourism. Chokei Taira, Kariyushi Group CEO, said, “Okinawa needs to decide on its own tourism infrastructure development and acquire the right to control relaxation of regulations.” Ryo Okada of Naha Business Incubate Office stated, “Transferring the latest information technology to Okinawa is very important.”
About 600 people audited the panel discussions.
(English translation by T&CT and Megumi Chibana)

11 March 2015

International Monetary Fund (IMF) Published Report on Aruba

Aruba: Concluding Statement of the 2015 Article IV Mission

February 13, 2015
A Concluding Statement describes the preliminary findings of IMF staff at the end of an official staff visit (or ‘mission’), in most cases to a member country. Missions are undertaken as part of regular (usually annual) consultations under Article IV of the IMF's Articles of Agreement, in the context of a request to use IMF resources (borrow from the IMF), as part of discussions of staff monitored programs, or as part of other staff monitoring of economic developments.


The authorities have consented to the publication of this statement. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF Executive Board for discussion and decision.
The economy is recovering from a double-dip recession caused by the global financial crisis and the shutdown of the oil refinery. These shocks have substantially increased public debt—over 80 percent of GDP in 2014—and eroded fiscal space. To address these fiscal challenges, the authorities have undertaken major entitlement reforms and are aiming to reach a small fiscal surplus in 2018. Without further measures, however, the pace of fiscal consolidation is expected to slow and public debt will continue to rise over the medium term. The authorities emphasized that their medium-term fiscal adjustment plan contains the necessary measures needed to meet their targets. Increasing labor market flexibility and reducing the costs of doing business would improve Aruba’s competitiveness and help its resilience to external shocks. The authorities’ growth pillar anchored around renewable energy offers promising potential.

The economy is set to recover gradually
1. Aruba is recovering gradually from a severe double-dip recession. After a strong recovery in 2013 with growth above 4½ percent, the pace of activity moderated in 2014. Despite very strong tourism growth, the loss in momentum reflected a broad-based contraction in domestic demand due to waning confidence, fiscal policy uncertainty, and investment delays. Headline inflation has recently been hovering below 1 percent. The current account (CA) deficit is estimated to have narrowed to –7½ percent of GDP in 2014 with the non-oil CA in surplus, largely reflecting developments in the tourism sector.
2. Growth is projected to rise to 2¼ percent in 2015. The tourism sector—the mainstay of the Aruban economy—is expected to continue to grow, albeit at a slower pace than over the past two years. At the same time, domestic demand is slated to recover appreciably as policy uncertainty subsides and a few key public-private partnership (PPP) projects move forward (Green Corridor, Ring Road 3).
3. Risks to the near-term outlook are mainly external. The closure of the oil refinery implies a narrower economic base and even greater dependence on tourism. This concentration risk is compounded by the fact that about 60 percent of tourism originates from the United States, implying that the Aruban economy is highly sensitive to economic activity in the U.S. A deepening of Venezuela’s economic crisis is also a risk given that it is Aruba’s second most important source of tourism. Over the medium-term, while renewable energy investments could boost growth prospects, the lifting of the U.S. travel ban to Cuba could have lasting adverse effects on Aruban tourism.
Ambitious measures needed to rebuild fiscal policy space
4. Following a rapid deterioration during 2009-2012, the fiscal deficit narrowed to 5¼ percent of GDP in 2014. While revenue performance was largely in line with expectations, expenditure restraint in the purchase of goods and services together with the APFA pension reform yielded important savings. Nevertheless, public debt surpassed 80 percent of GDP last year.
5. The authorities undertook major structural reforms in 2014 to address the fiscal challenges. First, as a result of the general (AOV) pension reform, premiums were raised and a gradual increase in the minimum retirement age (to 65 years) was initiated. Second, the capital shortfall of the public administration (APFA) pension system was made whole, the accrual period and franchise contributions were modified and, as with the AOV, the retirement age will gradually increase. Third, a levy was introduced to partially offset the fiscal costs of the health care system (AZV).
6. Meaningful fiscal consolidation is planned to take hold this year. The authorities’ proposed budget plan aims to reduce the 2015 deficit to 3¾ percent of GDP. Savings are expected to come mostly from entitlement reforms, supported by a reduction in the number of public sector employees.
7. Ambitious structural measures and determined implementation are needed to reverse the adverse debt dynamics over the medium term. Aruba’s exposure to external shocks, a narrow economic base, a fixed exchange rate regime, and sizable interest burden call for the creation of fiscal space to improve resilience against shocks. The authorities’ ambitious medium-term adjustment path (culminating with a small surplus in 2018) is therefore welcome. Indeed, fiscal efforts should be sustained at least until 2020 to attain a surplus of 1½ percent of GDP, which will help bring public debt down to about 70 percent of GDP. However, these objectives will most likely not be achieved with current measures. Without additional measures, deficits would remain elevated, and debt would continue to rise over the medium term. Expeditiously establishing a strong and effective medium-term fiscal framework would enhance the credibility of these plans. The authorities emphasized that their medium-term fiscal adjustment plan contains the necessary measures needed to meet their targets.
8. Achieving these fiscal targets will require both revenue and expenditure measures, including additional entitlement reforms. Additional revenue measures are needed given the size of the authorities’ planned adjustment. In particular, international comparison suggests that there is scope for increasing revenue from indirect taxes. On the expenditure side, given the large size of the wage bill (50 percent of tax revenue), a key priority is to introduce measures to reduce wage-related expenses. Steadfast adherence to the consolidation plan would also appreciably reduce interest expenses. Further measures are needed to ensure that the health care system (AZV) becomes self-financing.
Monetary policy should continue to support the recovery
9. The current accommodative monetary stance remains appropriate. Credit growth continues to be anemic with low demand and tighter lending standards. Aruba’s foreign exchange reserves, which cover about 3¾ months of imports and 35 percent of broad money, seem adequate to safeguard the pegged exchange rate. Therefore, given projected low inflation and moderating growth rates, as well as evidence of slack, there is no need for reducing monetary accommodation at this juncture. Should demand pick up and signs of overheating appear (such as rapid credit growth, though this is a very low risk at this point), the authorities should stand ready to mop up excess liquidity by increasing the reserve requirement ratio.
10. The banking sector has withstood the double-dip recession well. Commercial banks’ return on equity was 18½ percent in 2014, afforded by sizeable interest rate margins which reflect, in part, an oligopolistic market structure. The capital adequacy ratio has been on the rise since 2011 and surpassed 24 percent as of 2014, well above the regulatory minimum of 14 percent. The non-performing loans (NPL) ratio declined to around 6 percent in 2014. After significant efforts to enhance the Anti-Money Laundering/Combating the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) framework, Aruba was removed from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) follow-up process.
A steady recovery needs safeguarding competitiveness
11. Aruba appears to have maintained its competitiveness in tourism. Its Caribbean market share in stay-over tourism has been growing which, along with Aruba’s reputation as a high-end destination and the predominance of time-share participants, continues to provide revenue stability. In addition, the authorities’ marketing efforts, access to new U.S. hubs, and additional airlift capacity from South America have improved resilience. Increasing labor market flexibility and reducing the costs of doing business would not only further improve Aruba’s competitiveness, but would also help its adjustment to external shocks and facilitate diversification.
Continued efforts are needed to raise Aruba’s growth potential and diversify its sources
12. After a strong performance in past decades, each major recession was characterized by structurally lower growth. In the aftermath of the latest double-dip recession, Aruba’s growth trend decreased markedly again, mainly because of a structural decline in productivity, partly reflecting the closure of the oil refinery. Aruba faces several headwinds to longer-term growth, including population aging and rigid labor market regulations.
13. The looming demographic challenges and declining productivity call for labor market action. Aruba needs comprehensive labor market reform to increase both participation and productivity. But even with reforms that increase labor market flexibility (and reduce the costs of doing business), bleak demographic prospects imply a need to rely on migrant workers, arguing for the development of sustainable migration policies.
14. Developing the renewable energy sector offers potential. Given Aruba’s natural resources, a growth pillar anchored around developing the renewable energy sector offers a plausible long-term path for economic diversification. However, skilled-labor shortages may pose a challenge to the success of this initiative. These projects should be financed through FDI as much as possible.
The mission team is grateful to the authorities and other counterparts for their gracious hospitality and for the highly cooperative and candid discussions.

10 March 2015

Bougainville President supports independence for PNG province

Bougainvillenews.files.wordpress.com






PNG LOOP/PACNEWS

Of all the provinces in Papua New Guinea, Bougainville alone stands at the threshold of a new social, economical and political order, says the ABG president John Momis.

He said when the Bougainville Peace Agreement was negotiated, the constitution of Papua New Guinea was amended to state that Bougainville alone can have full autonomy and independence if it is the wish of Bougainvilleans.

However, chief Dr John Momis stressed that there are certain conditions that Bougainville must meet and added “but are Bougainvilleans prepared to meet the conditions’’?

“The conditions that are set out are not hard and can be met by Bougainvilleans,” he said.

Chief Momis said: “This joint agreement says that if Bougainville wants to become independent, independence can be achieved only through peaceful means.

“Therefore in this fight of ours, we must have the courage and strength to stand up for perennial principles and values as governance is also very important,” he said.

The president stressed strongly that Bougainville will not get full autonomy or independence when there is no good governance, no rule of law, no fiscal self-reliance and no weapons disposal.