25 October 2013

France seeks to exploit the natural resources of its Pacific colonies



Illustration by Hawaii.edu

"Claims by France to the resources of its Pacific territories violate international law which provides that the natural resources of a territory, including its marine resources, are owned by the people of the territory - not the cosmopole. This has been confirmed in rulings of the International Court of Justice (ICOJ), and in annual United Nations (U.N.) resolutions. Just last December, the General Assembly expressed its deep concern for 'any activities aimed at exploiting the natural and human resources of the Non-Self-Governing Territories to the detriment of the interests of the inhabitants of those Territories.' It should be clearer than ever as to why the French Government fought (unsuccessfully) to prevent the U.N. re-inscription of French Polynesia as a colony - control of  the resources of the five million square kilometres of the Pacific Ocean can be a significant deterrent to compliance with the rule of law."  

-  a Decolonization Expert


France advised to expand seabed zone 

for rare earth mining



The French Economic, Social and Environmental Council has urged the government to secure resources in the seabed off France’s overseas territories.

In a report, the Council says the Law of the Sea allows for France to lay claim to an additional two million square kilometres, half of which are in French Polynesia. It says France would be negligent not to profit from this as French Polynesia has rare earths, whose reserves are held by China in a near monopoly.

The report also points to cobalt off Wallis and Futuna and hydrocarbon deposits near New Caledonia. However, the report says the area is contested by Vanuatu.

*****


20 October 2013

Spain and Morocco plan oil exploration near Canary Islands



thecanaryislands.info

 The Spanish and Moroccan governments are moving forward with plans to explore for oil near the Canary Islands despite opposition from the tourism industry and environmentalists in the Spanish archipelago.


The two governments have authorized oil exploration projects in the area even though the maritime boundaries are not set, with territorial limits established by an imaginary line equidistant between the Moroccan coast and the Canary Islands, which belong to Spain.

Some residents of the islands, whose economy relies on tourism, are concerned about the possible effects of an oil spill, while others contend the energy industry would create jobs in a region dealing with an unemployment rate of 33 percent.

The fields in the area could hold up to 1.4 billion barrels of petroleum and produce 140,000 barrels per day (bpd) of crude, helping Spain meet 10 percent of its daily demand for oil, Spanish oil company Repsol said.

Morocco, meanwhile, said Scottish oil company Cairn Energy planned to begin exploration work in the next few weeks in blocks adjacent to those granted by the Spanish government to Repsol some 60 kilometers (37 miles) off Lanzarote and Fuerteventura.

The Cajun Express rig leased by Cairn Energy will begin operations in early October some 555 kilometers (about 345 miles) northeast of the Canary Islands.

The start of exploration by Repsol, which is working with Germany's RWE and Australia's Woodside, is still pending completion of the environmental review process.

SEE ALSO:   No 0il Canarias




18 October 2013

Virgin Islands Hunger Action for reparations for Danish Slavery


African-Caribbean Reparations 
and Resettlement Alliance (ACRRA)

For Immediate Release

MEDIA ADVISORY

RE: Failure of USVI (U.S. Virgin Islands) Senate to Act on Reparations
WHO: Senate President Shawn-Michael Malone
Members of the 30th Legislature of the USVI
ACRRA President Mr. Shelley Moorhead

WHAT: REPARATIONS HUNGER ACTION

WHEN: October 23rd, 2013 – Until Favorable Senate Action on  Reparations is Taken

WHERE: USVI Capitol Building (St. Thomas Legislature)

WHY: To inspire USVI lawmakers to act on matters relevant to the pursuit of reparations by the territory and to bring awareness to the outstanding and unresolved colonial injustices which foster underdevelopment in the former Danish West Indies.

__________________________________________________________________________________________

HUNGRY FOR REPARATIONS

The African-Caribbean Reparations and Resettlement Alliance (ACRRA) will commence a hunger action on October 23, 2013 at the grounds of the Capitol Building in Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas.  Purposed to inspire U.S. Virgin Islands (USVI) lawmakers to act on matters relevant to the seeking of reparations by the territory, the hunger initiative will be carried out by ACRRA’s president Mr. Shelley Moorhead.

In a letter notifying Senate President Shawn-Michael Malone of the organization’s planned action, Moorhead writes, “I will be invoking my constitutional right to petition our government and abiding by all applicable U.S. Virgin Islands laws.”  The longtime Virgin Islands reparations leader gave notice on October 4th and informed Senator Malone that he will “remain there without eating or consuming food for as much time as will be necessary for senators to take favorable action on reparations legislation.”

It has been more than eight (8) years since the USVI Legislature firmly decided to seek reparations from Denmark by resolution unanimously passed by the body on May 4, 2005.  Yet, to date, no action has been taken by the institution to pursue reparatory justice for the people of the territory who are descendants of Africans enslaved in the Danish West Indies.  For as many years as the senate has not acted on reparations, ACRRA has been on the forefront of the issue advocating locally and internationally for the socioeconomic and humanitarian repair of Virgin Islanders by the Kingdom of Denmark.

In an October 4th letter to Malone, ACRRA’s president outlines nearly a decade of gross neglect and inaction on the part of many USVI senators.  He writes, “It has not been the manipulation of the Danish state or any stalling on the part of institutions at Copenhagen, but rather, it has been the failure of the first branch of our government in the U.S. Virgin Islands to, as it has legislated, ‘Seek Reparations from Denmark’ which has been the primary delay of reparatory justice in the territory.”

Moorhead in his letter recalled the mandate Senator Malone issued the reparations leader on June 16, 2005, when he wrote to him urging, “I encourage you to exhaust all your resources to try to find measures to make amends for the immeasurable years of suffering and disdain” experienced by Virgin Islands forefathers.  “These measures”, Moorhead replies, “I have found and all my resources have I exhausted at your encouragement. Certainly, as my elected representative and the man of good moral character that you are, you have not asked of me that which you yourself are unwilling to do for our people.”

With Caribbean governments throughout the region having formed reparations committees, and now preparing the moral and legal cases for compensation and educating their publics accordingly; what has the 30th Legislature of the U.S. Virgin Islands done to mobilize the seeking of reparations for its people? What can the descendants of enslaved Africans in our territory expect from this representative body as it pertains to reparations for slavery?  These questions Moorhead will attempt to get answered by senators during his multi-week reparations hunger action.

In August to September of 2008, the ACRRA president carried out a 34-day hunger action on the steps of Government House on St. Croix.  Refusing to leave, to eat, or consume food until Virgin Islands reparations issues were adequately addressed, Moorhead held the de Jongh administration to task receiving two (2) weeks into his hunger action a 3-page letter from Governor John P. de Jongh, Jr. outlining his administration’s position on reparations.


Contact:
ACRRA Media Team

Shelley Moorhead, President of ACRRA

17 October 2013

Bonaire group petitions for self-determination referendum

Foundation “Nos Ke Boneiru Bek”

Press Release
To:

Lieutenant Governor of the Public Entity Bonaire

The Government of Bonaire


The Island Council of the Government of the Public Entity of Bonaire

Mr. Ronald Plasterk, Minister of Interior and Kingdom Relations (BZK)

Mr. Wilbert Stolte, Office of the Kingdom Representative

Permanent Committee Members,
Permanent Committee Members of the 1st and 2nd Chamber,

Kralendijk, 10 Oktober 2013

Dear Authorities,
Today, October 10, 2013 is exactly three (3) years that the people of Bonaire, St Eustatius and Saba has been incorporated or annexed in the Dutch State Order, Polity,and without her explicit and legitimate consent. Your responsibilities as representatives of our people to their welfare is priority and paramount in this context but also extremely important is that you are aware of and realize that right for self-determination does not belong to administrators and politicians but to peoples.
worldatlas.com
Leading to the transition on10-10-10 and since then until now there were several individual, group and other protests, demonstrations, signatures actions, protest letters etc. directed to you with the aim to gain attention on this unfinished discussion and trying to get your collaboration to help resolve this impasse and to reconcile and reunite the people again. This is another serious attempt to do so and hopefully the last as it seems that is seems not possible to force further the patience of our kindhearted and humble people.
On behalf of Foundation"Nos Ke Boneiru Bek" (CoC regnr: 8472) a platform for groups and organizations and individuals of our society and with the statutory objective "to the letter and the spirit of Article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations to achieve self-government of the people of Bonaire we bring the following to your attention:
The Country of the Netherlands Antilles originally existed since December 15th 1954 and was comprised of six islands (Curacao,Aruba, St.Maarten, Bonaire St.Eustatius and Saba), which each formed a separate administrative unit, called “eilandgebied” (island territory). As such, each Island Territory had its own local government. In addition, there was a central government for the Netherlands Antilles, as well as a senate that was comprised of representatives of all six (6) islands.
In 1986, Aruba became a separate Country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, while the other five islands remained within the Netherlands Antilles.
In the early nineties, there were discussions within the Netherlands Antilles regarding the constitutional status of the Country as a body. There were referendums held on all five (5) islands. All islands had the opportunity to choose between:

A. Remaining part of the Netherlands Antilles. However, the Netherlands Antilles would then be restructured;
B. Separate status and as such becoming a country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands;
C. Direct ties with the Netherlands;
D. Independence.
All islands of the Netherlands Antilles, including Bonaire, opted to remain in the Netherlands Antilles. As the intended restructuring of the Netherlands Antilles did not take place, discussions among the islands once again took place regarding remaining within the Netherlands Antilles as a country. St. Maarten was the first to have its referendum in June of 2000, which sparked the other islands to have their referendum in 2005.
During the referendum in Bonaire the following options were provided, which yielded the following results:  voters turnout of 56.1%:
 Option                                                                  Votes       %                              
A: Remain part of the Netherlands Antilles               853     15.94%
B: Direct constitutional ties with the Netherlands    3182     59.45%
C. Autonomous country within the Kingdom          1290     24.10%
D: Independence                                                        27     0.5%
Following the referenda on the various islands, the first Round Table Conference between the islands, the Netherlands Antillean government and the Netherlands took place on November 26th 2005. It was agreed that Curacao and St. Maarten would become countries within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, while the three other islands would become directly part of the Netherlands as a "Public Entity".
Around 33 % only of all the people of Bonaire that could have voted, including 16 & 17 years old and foreigners without a Dutch nationality, had chosen for a direct link with Holland. However, it was decided that Bonaire instead of direct constitutional ties with the Netherlands would be integrated as part of the Netherlands.
The Netherlands Antilles ceased to exist on October 10th 2010. The islands, with the exception of Bonaire & St Eustatius, obtained the status which they voted for during the 2005 referendum. As mentioned, it was decided upon that together with Saba and St. Eustatius, Bonaire (together referred to as the BES islands) would become a part of the Netherlands. As such, each one of the BES island would be a "public entity" of the Netherlands.
Unlike the situation of the Netherlands Antilles whereby Bonaire would have a representative in the parliament - and depending on the coalition, also a representative in government - Bonaire does not have any representative whatsoever in the Parliament or the Senate of the Netherlands. Nevertheless, said bodies - the legislature - create and implement laws that are applicable on Bonaire.
It was agreed upon by all partners within the Kingdom of the Netherlands that there would be an evaluation of the current status after a period of 5 years. As such, the evaluation will take place in 2015.
In light of the aforementioned, the people of Bonaire are adamantly of the opinion that they have not exercised their right to self-determination. And as such have denied said right, as they have not freely determined their political status or the chance to decide how to pursue their own economic, social and cultural development. According to the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1541 (XV), any change of status should “be the freely expressed wishes of the territory’s people acting with full knowledge of the change of their status…”
According to Resolution 1541 of the United Nations every change in the status shall be the result of “freely expressed wishes of the territories peoples acting with full knowledge of the change of their status...”
By this we are requesting, in the name of all attached signees - and all others who could not co-sign for one or other reasons and also holds the same right to self-determination-  for the local government of the Public Entity of Bonaire to put all arrangements in place for the free exercise of the right to self-determination, through a referendum, so that the people of Bonaire can decide democratically their own future in accordance with International Standards of Human Rights, the principles of International Law and the Charter of the United Nations.

Integration with full political rights, independence, and free association are the three legitimate alternatives which constitute the internationally recognized options of political equality under the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1541 (XV). As such, the aforementioned options should be among the choices for the people of Bonaire to vote upon during a constitutional referendum.

We consider it the duty of our government to provide the necessary information to its people prior to the constitutional referendum, so that the population is aware of the ramifications of the status options contained in Resolution 1541, and so that the population would be able to make an informed choice between the various status options.

We invite you, that have Bonaire's interest at heart, in the name of all the signees,to do everything within your possibilities to honour  this request and organize as soon as possible a referendum for the People of Bonaire.

Awaiting a positive reaction from you, I remain,

 Sincerely,

James Finies, president and coordinator Foundation “Nos Ke Boneiru Bek”
Kaya Mamore 3
Bonaire
Email: jamesfinies@gmail.com or info@noskierboneirubek.com


 Attached:     Copy list signatures petition referendum Bonaire 2013
                      Copy list signatures petition referendum via internet
                      Copy list individual reasons of signees via internet
                             why a referendum


Press release:

FUNDASHON NOS KE BONEIRU BÈK A ENTREGA LISTA DI FIRMA NA GEZAGHÈBER

Kralendijk—Djaluna último 14 òktober 2013, Fundashon Nos Ke Boneiru Bek a hasi entrega na gezaghèber sra. Emerencia di firma nan kolekta den último lunanan pa sostené e petishon na nos gobièrnu i gobernantenan pa organisá un referèndem konstitushonal pa e pueblo Boneriano.

T’asina ku sr. Finies a duna splikashon na gezaghèber di Boneiru dr. Lydia Emerencia ku segun e organisashon e struktura ku Boneiru ta den aktualmente no ta loke ku pueblo di Boneiru a skohe pe, p’esei nan a sali na fabor di pueblo di Boneiru pa haña Boneiru bèk. Komo ku pueblo di Boneiru e keda mal informá pa polítikonan di turno.

A logra akumulá mas ku 3500 firmante ku ta di opinion ku mester bini un kambio mas rápido posibel mirando e direkshon i kiko a resultá despues di 10-10-10, kaminda e pueblo di Boneiru a hañ’é konfrontá ku a traspasá su teritorio, e isla di Boneiru i tambe su poder i derecho demokrátiko di sigui desaroyá su propio gobernashon i goberná su mes na Hulanda. Segun Finies, e traspaso i akto aki 10-10-10 ta ilegal pa motibu ku no tabatin outorisashon di e pueblo Boneriano, ku ta e úniko ku por disidí esaki i no a hasi´é te asina leu.

Pa nos di “Nos Ke Boneiru Bèk” e fecha di 10-10-13 tambe ta marka final na e trayektoria di buska firma pa sostené un petishon popular pa un referèndem pa asina korigí i kambia loke a bai robes i alabes kuminsá un etapa nobo. E “Revolushon Boneriano”, un etapa kaminda ku nos lo ta bek riba e ruta di liberashon i pa rekobrá nos teritorio i derecho di por goberná nos mes.

Ku e sosten di parti di firmantenan ku ta apoyá e lucha sagrado aki i tambe esnan ku no a òf no por a firma pa un òf otro motibu pero ku tambe ta mantené e mesun derecho pa nos rekobrá nos Boneiru i nos propio gobernashon bèk. Segun e fundashon di “ Nos ke nos Boneiru bèk”, nos ta di opinion ku nos tin e derecho di eksigí f demanda nos derecho ku inhustamente òf ilegalmente, a keda kita o sekuestrá for di nos pueblo Boneriano. Awor nos ta konvensí ku e mensahe kla aki lo yega i komprendé dor di nos gobernantenan i ku lo rekonsiderá e posishon aktual i rekonsiliá i uni e pueblo por lo mínimo ku sigur lo tene debido kuenta  i respetá e pueblo su derechonan i deseonan.

Un gradisimentu ta bai na tur persona ku a yuda ku e proseso aktivamente pa buska sosten i tambe un pabien na firmantenan tur ku gran determinashon i kurashi a mustra ku nos tin suidadanonan, Bonerianonan balente i tambe hendenan di tur parti ku ta sostené i ta stima Boneiru i su pueblo.

Fundashon “Nos Ke Boneiru Bek”




 *******


U.N. General Assembly Fourth Committee adopts 2013 decolonisation resolutions


The administering powers which administer most of the remaining territories worldwide, continue their pattern of voting against U.N. decolonisation resolutions. 

*****************************************


General Assembly
GA/SPD/533

Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York
Sixty-eighth General Assembly
Fourth Committee
8th Meeting (AM)

FOURTH COMMITTEE CONCLUDES ANNUAL CONSIDERATION OF DECOLONIZATION, FORWARDING PACKAGE OF 11 DRAFT RESOLUTIONS TO GENERAL ASSEMBLY FOR ADOPTION



Reiterating its conviction of the need for the eradication of colonialism, the Fourth Committee today concluded its annual consideration of the question of decolonization, and forwarded 11 draft resolutions to the General Assembly, six of them approved without a vote.

Continuing its tradition, the Committee approved by consensus its omnibus draft resolution on Questions of American Samoa, Anguilla, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Guam, Montserrat, Pitcairn, Saint Helena, Turks and Caicos Islands and the United States Virgin Islands.

That text would have the General Assembly reaffirm that, in the process of decolonization, there was no alternative to the principle of self-determination, which was also a fundamental human right, as recognized under the relevant human rights conventions. 

In a series of provisions concerning the administering Powers of the 17 Non-Self-Governing Territories on the United Nations list, the Assembly would reaffirm those Governments’ responsibility to promote the Territories’ economic and social development and take all measures necessary to protect their environments.  The Assembly would call on the administering Powers to participate in and cooperate fully with the United Nations Special Committee on Decolonization.

Speaking in explanation of position after the text’s approval, the question was raised about the application of principles other than that of self-determination to the Territories.  The representative of Spain said that although the delegation had joined the consensus on the draft because it supported the right to free self-determination, the principle of territorial integrity should also be applied in some cases, such as in that of Gibraltar.

Also speaking on that draft was Argentina’s representative, who expressed support for the right of self-determination in the Territories as outlined in the omnibus draft resolution, but, drawing attention to General Assembly resolution 1514 (1960), said that the principle of self-determination was only one of two guiding tenets applicable to Non-Self-Governing Territories.  The question of the Malvinas* was a “special and particular” case, whereby the territorial integrity principle, as established by numerous General Assembly resolutions, was also to be considered.

Also speaking in explanation after passage of the draft was the representative of the United Kingdom, called the approach of the Decolonization Committee “outdated” because it failed to take into account how the relationship between the United Kingdom and its Overseas Territories had modernized.  Also, he added, the United Kingdom did not accept the assertion that the people of Gibraltar did not have the right to self-determination.

The Committee also approved without a vote a draft resolution on French Polynesia — reinstated just this year on the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories.  By its terms, the General Assembly would reaffirm the inalienable right of the people of French Polynesia to self-determination and also recognize the significant health and environmental impacts of nuclear testing conducted by the administering Power in the Territory over a 31-year period.

Other draft resolutions approved without a vote today included three more on specific territories — New Caledonia, Tokelau, and Western Sahara, as well as a fourth draft text on study and training facilities for inhabitants of Non-Self-Governing Territories.  A draft decision on Gibraltar would be considered at a later date.

Requiring a recorded vote was a draft resolution on information from Non-Self-Governing Territories, which would stress the importance of timely transmission of adequate information relating to the Territories by the administering Powers.  A decision was taken to forward it to the General Assembly, by a vote of 149 in favour to none against, with 4 abstentions (Israel, Rwanda, United Kingdom, United States).

By a recorded vote of 107 in favour to none against, with 51 abstentions, the Committee approved a draft resolution on the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples by the specialized agencies and the international institutions associated with the United Nations.  
A text on dissemination of information on decolonization was approved by a recorded vote of 156 in favour to 3 against ( Israel, United Kingdom, United States) with no abstentions.

Also requiring recorded votes were resolutions on economic and other activities affecting the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories — 153 in favour to 2 against (Israel, United States), with 2 abstentions (Rwanda, United Kingdom);

and on the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples158 in favour to 3 against (Israel, United Kingdom, United States), with no abstentions.

Prior to action, the Committee also heard from several delegates as its general debate on decolonization concluded.  Broadly speaking, the representative of Algeria said that the “pretexts and red herrings” used by the occupying Powers must be denied.  Concerning Western Sahara, it was pointless to hide the national aspirations of the Saharan people.  The United Nations, he added, must engage them in a genuine exercise of self-determination.

The representative of Morocco stated that a tiny minority persisted in seeing the Western Sahara issue through its own fantasies rather than through historic facts.  Morocco’s autonomy initiative represented a historic compromise with “a win-win focus” and was still on the negotiating table. 

Also participating in the discussion were representatives of South Africa, Viet Nam, and Palau.

Speaking in exercise of the right of reply were the representatives of Spain, United Kingdom, Argentina, India, and Pakistan.

The representative of the European Union delivered a general statement ahead of action on the Western Sahara text.

READ THE FULL UNITED NATIONS PRESS RELEASE HERE .
 .

16 October 2013

Caribbean Community regards decolonisation as a "core interest"

Calls for U.N. to utilise self-governance indicators developed in the region to assess level of decolonisation implementation

"CARICOM regards the natural political evolution of the Caribbean non self-governing territories as part of its core interests. It is fundamental to redressing the effects of artificial borders in our region established on the whims of colonial arrangements with roots in the Trans Atlantic slave trade." 

********

STATEMENT

by

H.E. Rodney Charles

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
Permanent Representative 
of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago

On behalf of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM)

on Decolonisation Issues 
in the Fourth Committee

of the 68th Session of the United Nations General Assembly

October 10, 2013
 
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the 14 member States of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). We wish to congratulate you and the other members of the bureau on being elected to lead the important work of this committee for the 68th Session. CARICOM wishes to associate itself with the statement made by the Permanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran on behalf of the Non Aligned Movement (NAM).

Mr. Chairman,

Issues of self-determination and decolonisation resonate deeply with CARICOM States as we acknowledge the historic role played by the United Nations in the self-determination process of our region. Thus, we take note that decolonisation remains un-finished business of the United Nations in this second decade of the 21st Century, and the Third International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism. The obligations to develop full self-government for these territories are clearly set forth in Chapter XI of the U.N. Charter, and decolonisation resolutions provide an essential roadmap in carrying out this statutory mandate.  

Mr. Chairman,

This Committee hears the petitions before it each year regarding ‘democratic deficiencies’ of present dependency arrangements, as we seek ways and means to implement the mandate for full and complete decolonisation for the remaining 17 non self-governing territories. We recognise that full self-government would be significantly advanced through the resumption of formal cooperation between the administering powers and the Special Committee on Decolonisation. It is time for the existent informal dialogue evolves into a formal, open and transparent discussion among the parties. The five CARICOM Member States on the Special Committee on Decolonisation are therefore prepared to facilitate such a resumed dialogue especially as it relates to the territories of our region.

Additionally, CARICOM maintains its principled support for the right of the people of Western Sahara, as with all peoples in non-self-governing territories, to self-determination and commends the efforts being undertaken by the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General in this area.

Mr. Chairman, experience must now also be brought to bear on our legislative and policy frameworks for solutions to this lingering challenge to the fullest enjoyment of human rights. Decades of decolonization point to irrefutable lessons. The United Nations, given its pivotal, leadership and preparatory roles, must refine approaches as well as facilitate and supportive mechanisms, to minimize persisting negative historic legacies of colonialism, such as ethnic tensions, artificial borders, and economic and other exploitation. In other words, such strategic responses must be an essential part of the self-determination ‘delivery package’.


Adequate follow-up by the United Nations system is equally vital to facilitating decolonisation implementation rather than the "repetition of process" which has characterised the consideration of this agenda item. To this end, the method of work of the relevant decolonisation committees should be re-examined with the aim of having a more interactive dialogue.  Requisite political analysis of the dependency arrangements is also critical, but longstanding calls for analytical studies and case-by-case assessments of the territories, as contained in General Assembly resolutions, have not been completed. Yet, this could significantly advance the awareness of member States about the challenges to the contemporary self-determination process.

CARICOM has long maintained that a Special Rapporteur or Independent Expert on decolonisation would be most useful in this necessary substantive analysis, along with an active programme of collaboration between the U.N. system and relevant regional institutions. In this connection, the development of Self-Governance Indicators for the small island non self-governing territories, presented at the University of the West Indies in Jamaica in 2011, has become a useful tool in assessing the level of self-government in small island territories in the Caribbean and Pacific.  The ongoing collaboration with the U.N. regional commissions and some specialised agencies has proven especially useful for the capacity building of the territories which are part of the scope of work of a number of U.N. bodies. Decolonisation requires such innovative measures if we are to avoid the "repetition of process" which finds the General Assembly adopting decolonisation resolutions year after year with insufficient implementation.

Mr. Chairman,

CARICOM regards the natural political evolution of the Caribbean non self-governing territories as part of its core interests. It is fundamental to redressing the effects of artificial borders in our region established on the whims of colonial arrangements with roots in the Trans Atlantic slave trade. The GRULAC (Latin American and Caribbean Group) statement to the General Assembly last March on the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade reminded that "emancipation ushered in the era of colonialism which, in many respects, merely perpetuated a refined form of what had formerly prevailed." Thus, we repeat: the decolonisation process is by no means complete.

Accordingly, CARICOM member states continue to include most of the Caribbean territories in the regional integration process through the extension of associate membership. A similar status is provided in the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) for those territories in that part of our region. Several territories share the Eastern Caribbean currency with neighboring independent states. Most are members of the Caribbean Development Bank, the University of the West Indies system and other CARICOM institutions. All of this is indicative of the strong ties which bind the people of our region. These ties strengthen our resolve to work assiduously to ensure that the Caribbean territories and others similarly situated achieve the full measure of self-governance pursuant to international law.

In a similar context, CARICOM actively supports the participation of the territories in  relevant U.N. bodies as provided for in the rules of procedure of those bodies. We commend UN-ECLAC, ESCAP, UNESCO and others for their flexibility in this regard. We commend ECLAC through its Subregional Headquarters in Trinidad and Tobago for its pioneering work in  this area, and encourage the intensification of their efforts. We also express our appreciation to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) for providing technical assistance and expertise to these territories.

Mr. Chairman,

The political crisis precipitated by the three-year suspension of elected government in the Turks and Caicos Islands in 2009 has been the subject of particular concern to CARICOM at the highest political level. At its 24th Inter-sessional Meeting last February, CARICOM Heads of Government "noted with grave concern that, though the elections of November 2012 had led to the restoration of representative government, the overall state of political affairs remained less than desirable..."  [1] The Heads of Government also expressed further concern that the 2011 constitutional order was viewed in the territory "as a mere by-law for the continuance of direct rule under the pretext of representative democracy." [2]

At the subsequent Sixteenth meeting of the CARICOM Council of Foreign and Community Relations in Trinidad and Tobago last May, the decision was taken to field a Ministerial Fact-Finding Mission to the Turks and Caicos Islands to gain a first-hand appreciation of the current situation. The Mission, undertaken last June, was led by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Bahamas and comprised the Minister of Foreign Affairs of St. Kitts and Nevis, and the Special Envoy of the President of Haiti. Its report was presented to the Thirty-fourth Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government last July.

The report examined issues in the Turks and Caicos related to the Constitution and governance, the judicial system, and the economic and social situation. Among the recommendations were the conduct of a referendum for the people to express their views on the present dependency arrangement, and an investigation on the implications of the previous period of Direct Rule and present dependency constitutional arrangements. The report affirmed that it was the responsibility of the administering Power "to provide the means for full self-determination," and to ensure that "the same standards of democracy that obtain in the United Kingdom" should be extended in the territory.  The findings of the report were endorsed by the Thirty-Fourth Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM held in Trinidad and Tobago last July, and it is our intention to have this report published as an official document of the General Assembly for the information of member States.

Mr. Chairman,

It has long been established by the General Assembly that self-determination is a fundamental human right. The status quo dependency models in the small island dependencies, however complex or ‘modernised,’ have proven inconsistent with the principle of self-determination, and contradictory to democratic governance. The continuation of colonialism in any form in the 21st Century is anachronistic. While CARICOM welcomes internal constitutional modernisation undertaken by the administering powers in some territories, such reforms do not address the fundamental need for a legitimate process of self-determination and subsequent decolonisation through the options of political equality, namely independence, free association and integration with full political rights consistent with Resolution 1541 (XV).

CARICOM states will continue their efforts through the Decolonisation Committee, through regional institutions, and in consultation with the relevant administering Powers, to address the challenges of the contemporary colonial dynamic, and to work together to bring about absolute political equality to the people of the remaining territories.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.




[1] Communique issued at the conclusion of the Twenty-fourth Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), Port-Au-Prince, Haiti, 18-19 February 2013.