United Nations Decolonisation Committee calls for protection of the environment of Guam from effects of militarisation

 The Special Committee on Decolonisation has recommended that "the General Assembly request the Territory and the administering Power (U.S.) to take all measures necessary to protect and conserve the environment of the Territory against any degradation and the impact of militarization on the environment."

Resolution adopted by the United Nations 

Special Committee on Decolonisation 

Question of Guam

          The General Assembly,

          Having considered the question of Guam,

          Having examined the relevant chapter of the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for 2016, related to Guam,[1]

          Taking note of the working paper prepared by the Secretariat on Guam[2] and other relevant information,

          Recognizing that all available options for self-determination of the Territory are valid as long as they are in accordance with the freely expressed wishes of the people of Guam and in conformity with the clearly defined principles contained in General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, 1541 (XV) of 15 December 1960 and other resolutions of the Assembly,

          Expressing concern that 56 years after the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples,[3] there still remain 17 Non-Self-Governing Territories, including Guam,

          Conscious of the importance of continuing the effective implementation of the Declaration, taking into account the target set by the United Nations to eradicate colonialism by 2020 and the plans of action for the Second[4] and Third International Decades for the Eradication of Colonialism,

          Recognizing that the specific characteristics and the aspirations of the people of Guam require flexible, practical and innovative approaches to the options for self-determination, without any prejudice to territorial size, geographical location, size of population or natural resources,

          Convinced that the wishes and aspirations of the people of the Territory should continue to guide the development of their future political status and that referendums, free and fair elections and other forms of popular consultation play an important role in ascertaining the wishes and aspirations of the people,

          Concerned by the use and exploitation of the natural resources of the Non‑Self-Governing Territories by the administering Powers for their benefit, by the use of the Territories as tax havens to the detriment of the world economy and by the consequences of any economic activities of the administering Powers that are contrary to the interests of the people of the Territories, as well as to resolution 1514 (XV),

          Convinced that any negotiations to determine the status of the Territory must take place with the active involvement and participation of the people of the Territory, under the auspices of the United Nations, on a case-by-case basis, and that the views of the people of Guam in respect of their right to self-determination should be ascertained,

          Noting the continued cooperation of the Non-Self-Governing Territories at the local and regional levels, including participation in the work of regional organizations,

          Mindful that, in order for the Special Committee to enhance its understanding of the political status of the people of Guam and to fulfil its mandate effectively, it is important for it to be apprised by the administering Power and to receive information from other appropriate sources, including the representatives of the Territory, concerning the wishes and aspirations of the people of the Territory,

          Aware of the importance both to Guam and to the Special Committee of the participation of elected and appointed representatives of Guam in the work of the Committee,

          Recognizing the need for the Special Committee to ensure that the appropriate bodies of the United Nations actively pursue a public awareness campaign aimed at assisting the people of Guam with their inalienable right to self-determination and in gaining a better understanding of the options for self-determination, on a case-by-case basis,

          Mindful, in that connection, that the holding of regional seminars in the Caribbean and Pacific regions and at Headquarters, with the active participation of representatives of the Non-Self-Governing Territories, provides a helpful means for the Special Committee to fulfil its mandate and that the regional nature of the seminars, which alternate between the Caribbean and the Pacific, is a crucial element in the context of a United Nations programme for ascertaining the political status of the Territories,

          Welcoming the Pacific regional seminar held by the Special Committee in Managua and hosted by the Government of Nicaragua from 31 May to 2 June 2016 as a significant and forward-looking event, which enabled the participants to assess the progress made in the decolonization process and to review the existing working methods of the Committee and renew its momentum in implementing its historic task,

          Recognizing the importance of the conclusions and recommendations adopted by the seminar, which are annexed to the report of the Special Committee[5] and which outline the findings of the seminar, including, especially, the way forward for the decolonization process within the context of the proclamation by the General Assembly of the period 2011-2020 as the Third International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism,[6]

          Noting with appreciation the contribution to the development of some Territories by the specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system, in particular the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, the United Nations Development Programme and the World Food Programme, as well as regional institutions such as the Caribbean Development Bank, the Caribbean Community, the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States, the Pacific Islands Forum and the agencies of the Council of Regional Organizations in the Pacific,

          Noting the statement made by the representative of the Governor of Guam at the 2016 Pacific regional seminar, in which he presented an update on the efforts of Guam towards decolonization, including by securing funding for the public education programme on self-determination, and on the work of the Guam Commission on Decolonization for the Implementation and Exercise of Chamorro Self-Determination in reinforcing public awareness ahead of the planned plebiscite on self-determination,

          Recalling the concern expressed by the representative of the Governor and the Speaker of the Guam legislature before the Special Committee in October 2015 about the reinstatement of a lawsuit challenging the voting restrictions for the Territory’s plebiscite on self-determination,

          Cognizant of the efforts made by the Guam Commission on Decolonization to promote in the Territory the holding of a plebiscite on self-determination, to populate the decolonization registry, as required by public law, to enhance the ability to expediently register those who have not yet been registered and to identify and secure territorial and federal resources for a self-determination education programme,

          Aware that the Department of the Interior of the United States of America has approved a grant to support the self-determination education campaign, as stated by the representative of the Governor of Guam at the 2016 Pacific regional seminar,

          Aware also that, under United States law, the relations between the territorial Government and the federal Government in all matters that are not the programme responsibility of another federal department or agency are under the general administrative supervision of the Secretary of the Interior,[7]

          Recalling that, in a referendum held in 1987, the registered and eligible voters of Guam endorsed a draft Guam Commonwealth Act that would establish a new framework for relations between the Territory and the administering Power, providing for a greater measure of internal self-government for Guam and recognition of the right of the Chamorro people of Guam to self-determination for the Territory,

          Aware that negotiations between the administering Power and the territorial Government on the draft Guam Commonwealth Act ended in 1997 and that Guam has subsequently established a non-binding plebiscite process for a self-determination vote by the eligible Chamorro voters,

          Cognizant of the importance of the administering Power continuing to implement its programme of transferring surplus federal land to the Government of Guam,

          Noting that the people of the Territory have called for reform in the programme of the administering Power with respect to the thorough, unconditional and expeditious transfer of land property to the people of Guam,

          Aware of the deep concern expressed by civil society and other parties regarding the potential social, cultural, economic and environmental impacts of the planned transfer of additional military personnel of the administering Power to the Territory,

          Recalling the statement of the Speaker of the thirty-third Guam legislature made before the Special Committee during its 2015 session that the most acute threat to the legitimate exercise of the decolonization of Guam was the incessant militarization of the island by its administering Power, and noting the concern expressed regarding the effect of the escalating United States military activities and installations on Guam,

          Recalling also its resolution 57/140 of 11 December 2002, in which it reiterated that military activities and arrangements by administering Powers in the Non-Self-Governing Territories under their administration should not run counter to the rights and interests of the peoples of the Territories concerned, especially their right to self-determination, including independence, and called upon the administering Powers concerned to terminate such activities and to eliminate the remaining military bases in compliance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly,

          Recalling further its resolution 35/118 of 11 December 1980, and conscious that immigration into Guam has resulted in the indigenous Chamorros becoming a minority in their homeland,

          1.       Reaffirms the inalienable right of the people of Guam to self-determination, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples;

          2.       Also reaffirms that, in the process of decolonization of Guam, there is no alternative to the principle of self-determination, which is also a fundamental human right, as recognized under the relevant human rights conventions;

          3.       Further reaffirms that it is ultimately for the people of Guam to determine freely their future political status in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter, the Declaration and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, and in that connection calls upon the administering Power, in cooperation with the territorial Government and appropriate bodies of the United Nations system, to develop political education programmes for the Territory in order to foster an awareness among the people of their right to self-determination in conformity with the legitimate political status options, based on the principles clearly defined in Assembly resolution 1541 (XV) and other relevant resolutions and decisions;

          4.       Welcomes the convening of the Guam Commission on Decolonization for the Implementation and Exercise of Chamorro Self-Determination and its ongoing work on a self-determination vote, as well as its public education efforts;

          5.       Stresses that the decolonization process in Guam should be compatible with the Charter, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;[8]

          6.       Calls once again upon the administering Power to take into consideration the expressed will of the Chamorro people as supported by Guam voters in the referendum of 1987 and as subsequently provided for in Guam law regarding Chamorro self-determination efforts, encourages the administering Power and the territorial Government to enter into negotiations on the matter, and stresses the need for continued close monitoring of the overall situation in the Territory;

          7.       Requests the administering Power, in cooperation with the territorial Government, to continue to transfer land to the original landowners of the Territory, to continue to recognize and to respect the political rights and the cultural and ethnic identity of the Chamorro people of Guam and to take all measures necessary to address the concerns of the territorial Government with regard to the question of immigration;

          8.       Also requests the administering Power to assist the Territory by facilitating public outreach efforts, consistent with Article 73 b of the Charter, and in that regard welcomes the financial assistance granted by the administering Power in support of the decolonization educational campaign, calls upon the relevant United Nations organizations to provide assistance to the Territory, if requested, and welcomes the recent outreach work by the territorial Government;

          9.       Further requests the administering Power to cooperate in establishing programmes for the sustainable development of the economic activities and enterprises of the Territory, noting the special role of the Chamorro people in the development of Guam;

          10.     Stresses the importance of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples being apprised of the views and wishes of the people of Guam and enhancing its understanding of their conditions, including the nature and scope of the existing political and constitutional arrangements between Guam and the administering Power;

          11.     Calls upon the administering Power to participate in and cooperate fully with the work of the Special Committee in order to implement the provisions of Article 73 e of the Charter and the Declaration and in order to advise the Committee on the implementation of the provisions under Article 73 b of the Charter on efforts to promote self-government in Guam, and encourages the administering Power to facilitate visiting and special missions to the Territory;

          12.     Reaffirms the responsibility of the administering Power under the Charter to promote the economic and social development and to preserve the cultural identity of the Territory, and requests the administering Power to take steps to enlist and make effective use of all possible assistance, on both a bilateral and a multilateral basis, in the strengthening of the economies of the Territory;

          13.     Takes into account the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, including the Sustainable Development Goals,[9] stresses the importance of fostering the economic and social sustainable development of the Territory by promoting sustained, inclusive and equitable economic growth, creating greater opportunities for all, reducing inequalities, raising basic standards of living, fostering equitable social development and inclusion and promoting the integrated and sustainable management of natural resources and ecosystems that supports, inter alia, economic, social and human development, while facilitating ecosystem conservation, regeneration, restoration and resilience in the face of new and emerging challenges, and strongly urges the administering Power to refrain from undertaking any kind of illicit, harmful and unproductive activities, including the use of the Territory as a tax haven, that are not aligned with the interest of the people of the Territory;

          14.     Requests the Territory and the administering Power to take all measures necessary to protect and conserve the environment of the Territory against any degradation and the impact of militarization on the environment, and once again requests the specialized agencies concerned to monitor environmental conditions in the Territory and to provide assistance to the Territory, consistent with their prevailing rules of procedure;

          15.     Requests the Special Committee to continue to examine the question of Guam and to report thereon to the General Assembly at its seventy-second session and on the implementation of the present resolution.

 

---

         [1] Official Records of the General Assembly, Seventy-first Session, Supplement No. 23 (A/71/23), chap. X.

         [2] A/AC.109/2016/9.

         [3] Resolution 1514 (XV).

         [4] A/56/61, annex.

         [5] Official Records of the General Assembly, Seventy-first Session, Supplement No. 23 (A/71/23).

         [6] See resolution 65/119.

         [7] United States Congress, Organic Act of Guam, 1950, as amended.

         [8] Resolution 217 A (III).

         [9] Resolution 70/1.

Banco Popular de Puerto Rico to offer ATM services in Cuba

Latin American Herald

Cuba Gives Green Light to MasterCard at Havana ATMs

HAVANA – Starting Monday, Havana ATMs will accept MasterCard cash advances, including those from Stonegate Bank, the first U.S. bank authorized to provide this service on the communist island, and the Banco Popular de Puerto Rico, the Cuban Central Bank, or BCC, said.

BCC vice president Irma Margarita Martinez confirmed that MasterCard is already being accepted at Cuban sales points along with Visa, which have been authorized on the island for some time, speaking at the first Conference on International Monetary Transfers being held Monday in Havana.

“That possibility is starting now that the pending financial and legal issues have been resolved and thanks to the efforts of the Cuban entities tasked with processing MasterCard and the foreign provider who is facilitating the handling of its operations for us,” she said in a BCC communique made available to the press.

The Cuban bank said that the service, which at first will be offered only in the capital, “will be expanded to the entire country” in the future.

In addition, she confirmed her willingness to “continue expanding” the types of U.S.-bank-issued credit cards authorized for use in Cuba.

She said that currently banking transfers from the United States to Cuba are still being done via third countries due to restrictions imposed by Washington’s economic, financial and trade embargo on the island.

So far, the Florida-based Stonegate Bank is the only U.S. bank authorized – since July 2015 – to maintain a commercial relationship with a Cuban bank, the Banco Internacional de Comercio.

Stonegate Bank said that a limited edition of 1,000 MasterCards will be issued to people who want to use them in Cuba.

Puerto Rico: Fellow Colony in Crisis

Tales of Decolonization  A Colonial Crisis

It has become common to say and hear lately that Puerto Rico, a fellow colony of the United State is in crisis. Numbers I have come across cite more than $70 billion in debt, with the island suffering with an unemployment rate of 11.4% and a poverty rate of 45%. Basic public services in health care and education have been dramatically affected and the island is experiencing a rapid brain drain as those who have the means to leave, seem to be doing so. 

But what type of crisis this is or the causes of it are almost always lost in the discussion. The usual colonial or developing nation narratives ties problems like this to why islanders can’t take care of themselves. In this way, the problems Puerto Rico is having are about local corruption, political immaturity and a cultural unwillingness to become more civilized. All of these things lead to the notion that Puerto Rico must therefore be saved by those who are politically or economically better than it. Curiously enough, throughout recent human history, this sort of discussion is largely self-serving and the saviors tend to be those who lust after the lands of others, or are already trying to justify their control.

More than 100 years of being a territory of the United States points, far more than anything, to the crisis in Puerto Rico as being a colony one. It is an example of how colonialism, that most wretched of human institutions, can still lurk beneath a façade of friendliness or benevolence. On Guam, this is something of which we must be wary. Even though there is a difference in name between Puerto Rico and Guam, with one being a Commonwealth and the other an unincorporated territory, we occupy the same basic subordinate status, as being possessions of the United States.

There are cries by some on Guam that we should enhance our current status by writing a new Constitution or even just rewriting parts of the Organic Act to serve as our foundational document. This debate was thought to be settled decades ago when voters decidedna ti maolek anggen un na’fo’na i kareta kinu i karabao, but it continually resurfaces as a seemingly easy or simpler way of solving a complex problem. The crisis in Puerto Rico does not give much hope for this thinking, as the Constitution of the territory and the problem with crafting one while still a colony is the source of most of their problems.

Submitting a constitution to your colonizer doesn’t end the colonial relationship and doesn’t really improve it. It simply legitimizes it. It adds a veneer of formality and respectability to something the United Nations and the majority of the world’s nations have decried should be eradicated. Under Guam’s current status, any Constitution is supposed to be submitted to the US Congress for their approval. But far more than simply approve it, the US Congress would have the right to reject it or change it as they see fit. This is tragically true for Puerto Rico, which over the years has been restricted and hindered in its own ability to self-govern by various provisions that have been inserted into their foundational document.

In the Puerto Rican constitution, there is a clause that prioritizes the payments to the debtors of the territory over any other obligations. This means that instead of using what funds it has to protect the people of Puerto Rico and ensure that they are safe, healthy, educated, employed, the government is constitutionally required to take money away from all other needs to pay its debts first. Another issue is that according to US law, Puerto Rico is simply not allowed to file for Chapter 11 or declare bankruptcy in order to restructure its debt or its finances. The current representative has sought to gain this right from the US Congress, but the body has refused to consider it.

These restrictions are all tied to the island’s long-standing status as a laboratory of neoliberalism and neocolonialism. Various predatory social and political policies that have become common in the ways in which First World and extra-national economic bodies deal with the developing world, were tested in Puerto Rico. These economic restraints are just another example of the ways the United States has sought to keep the island open and friendly to the interests of US corporations and hedge funds, even at the expense of the millions that live there.

Recently the US Congress proposed a bill named PROMESA which means Promise in both Spanish and Chamorro. It stands for “Puerto Rico Oversight, Management and Economic Stability Act” and it is meant to stabilize Puerto Rico prior to its possible default on almost all of its debt at the start of next month. The key feature of this bill is the creation of a seven-member oversight board that could theoretically have control over the laws of the island and its public and natural resources. The bill itself empowers this oversight board, with authority that supersedes any local laws of Puerto Rico.

The use of the word PROMESA in the title of the bill is meant to refer to the obligation the United States is supposed to have to their poor Caribbean colony, to save it from itself and keep it a lucrative cash cow for US corporations and hedge funds. I find this to be ironic because the promise that the United States should be recalling and taking seriously, is their obligation as a nation that claims to stand for freedom and democracy, to decolonize their own territories.

Contra la Junta Movilización masiva y desobediencia civil

Claridad

Contra la Junta Movilización masiva y desobediencia civil

Por Eugenio Hopgood Dávila

Especial para CLARIDAD

En medio de una tumultosa asamblea, la Concertación Puertorriqueña contra la Junta Fiscal Federal, resolvió desarrollar su oposición a la entidad colonial que Washington se apresta a imponer al País esta semana con movilizaciones, acciones coordinadas de desobediencia civil en Puerto Rico y Estados Unidos, y denuncia internacional, entre otros mecanismos de lucha.

Así lo indicó la Concertación en la resolución de once puntos que fue producto del consenso de unas 200 organizaciones que participaron en reuniones previas a la asamblea, celebrada el sábado pasado, 25 de junio, en el Coliseo Roberto Clemente, la cual contó con la asistencia de unas cuatro mil personas, según el planificador José “Tato” Rivera Santana, uno de los portavoces de la entidad.

“Vamos a combatirla y a desobedecer sus ejecutorias”, lee el primer punto de la Resolución. La asamblea también hizo un llamado a los funcionarios de gobierno a la “no-colaboración con la Junta” y a “no ser cómplices del atropello contra nuestro Pueblo”.

La Concertación resolvió coordinar actos de rechazo y desobediencia civil junto a la comunidad puertorriqueña en Estados Unidos y en los próximos dos meses celebrará asambleas de pueblo en distintos municipios del País “para combatir las políticas y las ejecutorias de la Junta”. 

La condición colonial del País tampoco quedó desatendida en la agenda de lucha de la Concertación. “Reconocemos la impostergable solución de la condición colonial de Puerto Rico mediante un proceso democrático y acorde con el derecho internacional” fue otro de los planteamientos contenidos en la resolución, leida al final de la actividad por el obispo metodista Juan Vera Méndez y la ex jefa del gabinete de la actual administración de gobierno –ahora crítica del oficialismo- Ingrid Vila Biaggi.

Dos de los cinco portavoces de la Concertación, entrevistados por Claridad, se mostraron complacidos por el saldo del evento que, según explicaron estuvo preparándose por cerca de un mes por representantes de las cerca de doscientas organizaciones cívicas, obreras, profesionales, ambientales, comunitarias y cooperativistas que integran el organismo.

“Para mi fue una actividad extraordinaria, rebasó por mucho las expectativas y logró aglutinar a los sectores mas diversos del pais”, sostuvo el Obispo metodista Juan Vera Méndez. 

La actividad se desarrolló en medio de un ambiente conflictivo generado por un grupo de cerca de un centenar de participantes, concentrados en un setor de las gradas, quienes protestaron constantemente mediante abucheos y gritos planteando que si el evento se había convocado como una asamblea de Pueblo, se les debía conceder turnos en la tarima para hacer su planteamientos al público y participar en la elaboración de la resolución final.

“El primer resultado importante es que allí todo el mundo se expresó en contra de la imposición de la Junta Colonial, tanto los que tuvieron acceso a los micrófonos como los que objetaban el proceso de la asamblea”, sostuvo el planificador Rivera Santana. 

“Además se logró que sectores importantes del país, reflexionaran antes de la asamblea y llevaran su expresión consensuada: los cooperativistas, ambientalistas, los trabajadores organizados, los representantes de las comunidades, los religiosos y todos esos sectores hicieron un proceso previo a la asamblea de deliberacion de los efectos de la Junta y los plasmaron en un documento que leyeron en la asamblea. En ese sentido la asamblea reflejó tambien una expresión mas articulada sobre las consecuencias de la Junta”, sostuvo Rivera Santana. Explicó además que se acordó que no hubieran mensajes de candidates politicos de Puerto Rico para evitar que se usara la tarima como plataforma electoral .

Por su parte, el luchador por los derechos humanos y expresidente del Colegio de Abogados, Eduardo Villanueva, quien estaba entre el público, valoró que “aunque este es un grupo amplio y heterogéneo, el intento de ponernos de acuerdo para concienciarnos sobre el problema colonial mismo, y sobre el brazo de ese poder colonial, que es la junta de control federal, me parece un intento positivo”.. “En qué va a terminar, predecir si va a ser efectivo, si va a tener cohesión, si va a mantener la claridad ideológica y no van a ceder a la tentación de una coalición para que un partido político gane la próxima elección, es algo que veremos sobre la marcha y algo de lo que nos debemos cuidar”. 

Después de intervenciones musicales de Danny Rivera y “Pirulo y su Tribu” vino la participación del congresista por Chicago Luis Gutiérrez y la president del Consejo Municipal de Nueva York, Melissa Mark Vivierito, quienes fueron invitados en su capacidad de líderes politicos de la diáspora Boricua opuestos a la Junta Fiscal.

“Nos quieren imponer una Junta de Control como la junta de Pinochet; una junta que no fue elegida y que no es responsable ante nuestro pueblo; una Junta organizada por siete personas que responden a los grandes intereses capitalistas y los grandes intereses de Washington y no estan comprometidos a hacer un llamado a la posteridad sino a la austeridad en Puerto Rico. Ellos quieren que aquí se coma austeridad y austeridad de desayuno y de almuerzo, y nosotros lo que les vamos a dar es lucha y lucha”, sostuvo Gutiérrez.

“Al igual que nuestra unidad expulsó a la Marina de Vieques expulsará a la Junta de Control Fiscal de Puerto Rico”, agregó el congresista, quien dijo sentirse decepcionado porque no ha encontrado suficiente apoyo en su Partido Demócrata para oponerse al proyecto HR 5278. “He buscado alrededor a los aliados que pudieran defender a Puerto Rico y no he visto a muchas personas levantar su voz por nosotros”, agregó.

Por su parte, Mark Viverito reiteró su oposicióna al proyecto porque es “antidemocrático, irrespetuoso, indigno” además de que “intensifica el estatus coonial de la isla y da al trate con su esquema de gobernanza local electa por el pueblo democráticamente”. 

El mensaje de Viverito y en menor medida el de Gutiérrez fueron criticados por un sector minoritario del público quien reclamaban a gritos que estaban convirtiendo el evento en “un mitin del Partido Demócrata”, dado el énfasis de Viverito en responsabilizar a los republicanos del Congreso por la medida.

Repudio a la Junta de amplios sectores de la sociedad

Entre los mensajes se destacó el del sector ambientalista, representado por Luis Jorge Rivera Herrero, quien advirtió que la Junta, según el proyecto, “tiene el poder para forzar la venta de activos pertenecientes al Gobierno de Puerto Rico, de forma tal que el dinero recaudado sea utilizado para el pago de la deuda, lo que incluye reservas naturales, bosques estatales, refugios de vida silvestre, y reservas agrícolas”. 

Por su parte, Maricelis Rivera, a nombre del Comite Amplio para la Busqueda de Equidad (CABE), puntualizó que “existe una relacion directa entre la marginalización de grupos sociales como las comunidades Lgbtt y la pobreza”. “Recortes en fondos de salud es reducir fondos necesarios para compañeros trans y para los que viven con HIV.. recortar a organizaciones de apoyo es dejar sin espacio a quienes acuden a ellas en busca de sanación emocional ante el discrimen”, sostuvo Rivera al enumerar varios efectos nocivos de la políticas de austeridad hacia la comunidad Lgbtt.

Asimismo, Lydael Vega Otero, del Colegio de Profesionales del Trabajo Social, dijo que los cinco mil miembros de la entidad se comprometen a oponerse “a la reducción de servicios a nuestra gente y al despojo de nuestros bienes como pueblo, aumentando la emigración y el desempleo , la pobreza y la desesperanza”.

Mirta Colón, en representación de las comunidades de residenciales públicos expuso que las medidas que implantará la Junta de Control Fiscal afectarán a la clase pobre del país más que a ningún otro sector. “Esta Junta será nefasta para las personas que dependemos del Seguro de Salud del Gobierno; que la salud del pueblo se afecte al no contar con los profesionales de salud necesarios, y causará que la educacion sea menos accessible a los pobres”, dijo Colón.

El líder sindical Federico Torres Montalvo, hizo un llamado a unirse contra l Junta de Control Fiscal y manifestó que todo el sector organizado de los trabajadores está en contra del esquema que se impondrá.

Debate al interior de la Asamblea

Durante los mensajes se mantenía el reclamo a gritos de quienes reclamaban acceso a micrófonos y cuestionaban la forma de llevar a cabo la asamblea. El activista Roberto Thomas se puso de pie con la mano en alto frente al podio, en señal de solicitar un turno para intervener y al rato otras personas se fueron sumando a su solicitud silente, mientras continuaba la algarabía en el sector de las gradas donde se concentró el grupo inconforme con los trabajos. En ese momento, la lider obrera Luisa Acevedo, una de las portavoces de la Concertación bajó a dialogar con los que alzaban la mano y les ofreció un turno para participar. 

“Escojan a una persona y nosotros le damos el turno..¿Tu eres? ¿Tú?”, le indicó Acevedo al grupo. “Yo tambien quiero hablar, los zapatistas tienen asambleas de días”, dijo otra de las personas que protestaban.

Acevedo les dijo que “puede ser que haya habido un error de término y que ustedes entienden que la asamblea era abierta” y explicó que se había acordado que los mensajes eran de representantes de colectivos que se han unido a la Concertación. 

“Es que cuando le llaman Asamblea de Pueblo mucha gente se siente convocada como parte del pueblo no solo de la Concertacion”, respondió Thomas.

“Y nosotros estamos dándole el turno; si quieren, escojan un portavoz”, replicó Acevedo a lo que Thomas dijo: : No, lo que pasa es que mi turno era para darle una apertura democrática a la asamblea”. 

Luego la oferta se amplió a tres turnos, según dijo Rivera Santana. Thomas, por su parte, justificó luego que no se aceptara oportunamente la oferta de la Concertación a concederles turnos al micrófono indicando que “se trató de comenzar una conversación y no sólo el aceptar la primera oferta que se hiciera ante el hecho ya ineludible de la incomodidad con el formato.”. Agregó que todos los que estaban allí merecían escuchar la propuesta de que alguien de ellos se dirigiera al público. “Les expresé que el interés no era asumir una ponencia a título personal sino lograr proponerle a la Asamblea un espacio razonable para expresar ideas, propuestas, compartir trabajos que también se están haciendo..y lograr también proponer un proceso para que la proclama que iban a proponer realmente pudiera pasar por un cedazo democrático”. 

Mientras Thomas intentaba ponerse de acuerdo con sus compañeros para considerer la oferta que se les hacía, se leyó la Declaración de la Asamblea y terminaron los trabajos. “Mientras todo eso ocurría, seguí negociando pero aparentemente la oferta tenía fecha de expiración”, dijo Thomas, un activista que se ha destacado en varias luchas comunitarias y sociales.

Por su parte, Rivera Santana explicó luego en entrevista que no le parece mal que haya objeciones al formato del evento “pero la mayoría de los asistentes estuvieron conforme con el diseño de la asamblea. Y ese diseño fue resultado de un proceso consensuado entre cerca de 200 organizaciones que conforman la Concertación, que se vinieron reuniendo por las pasadas cuatro semanas, trabajando el diseño de la asamblea y debo destacar que las reuniones de la Concertación son abiertas y se convocan públicamente y que cualquiera podia participar”, agregó.

A su vez, otra de las portavoces, Ana Irma Rivera Lassén, feminista y ex presidenta del Colegio de Abogados y Abogadas de Puerto Rico, sostuvo que espera “que mucha de la gente que está aquí organice otras actividades e iremos a apoyarlas porque yo soy de las que voy a todos sitios a apoyar porque creo que el mensaje que tiene que enviar el pueblo de Puerto Rico es de unidad, el único lema aquí es es No a la Junta Fiscal”.

Opinan sobre la Asamblea 

Jacobo Morales, actor, cineaste, poeta: Me pareció muy bien...los pronunciamientos que se hicieron pero me inquieta un poco esos intentos como de divisionismo. Todo eso se puede aclarar, dialogar, pero quiero que me llegue un sentido real de unidad, hay que enfatizar mucho en eso. La diversidad a veces es lo que más enriquece pero una diversidad respetuosa y teniendo como objetivo común el propósito que se quiere alcanzar.

Angel González, miembro de Comité de Salud Pública y Mental del Colegio de Médicos.

“El HR 5278 además de medida colonial y dictatorial, tiene una disposición que posibilita que clasifiquen el incinerador de Arecibo como proyecto crítico y lo aprueben en forma expedita en contra de todas las leyes ambientales y estamos opuestos a ese tipo de proceso.

Como medico, yo hago trabajo de tratamiento de adicción y estamos teniendo problemas adicionales con las aseguradoras, no apruban incorporar pacientes al tratamiento con medicación; necesitamos que honren las recetas y no lo hacen y además impiden que nuevos proveedores puedan ser certificados para llevar a cabo los tratamientos…ahora se excusan de que no les pagan y no se qué. Es parte de cómo nos afecta la crisis.

Abner Denis, trabajador: Vine convocado porque era ua asamblea de pueblo, estoy en contra de que se imponga una Junta de Control Fiscal, pero estoy indignado por la falta de democracia que hubo en la asamblea, y no se puede combatir una junta antidemocrática con métodos antidemocráticos.

Wilfredo Quiñones, jubilado empresa privada Vine porque nos quieren imponer una Junta que va en contra de la poca democracia que tenemos en el pais, que va a crear caos en vez de resolver problemas. Es necesaria la presencia del pueblo que se va a afectar en gran medida en todas las áreas de la vida del país. El dinero que recibo es fijo y me ocasiona problemas pero mis ingresos son fijos por lo que estoy en deficit todos los años. Siempre he creido que la fuerza del pueblo nos da la razón, lo hemos comprobado en eventos anteriores como Vieques. No sé cuánto se puede hacer en términos de detener el proceso pero hay que seguir intentando, uno no se puede rajar.

Puerto Rico Debate: Is New U.S. Law Dangerous Increase of Colonialism or Vital Protection from Wall St.?

Democracy Now

As Puerto Rico is set to default today on a key debt repayment, President Barack Obama has signed into law the so-called PROMESA bill that puts in place a federally appointed control board with sweeping powers to run Puerto Rico’s economy. 

The legislation’s supporters say it will help the island cope with its crippling debt crisis by allowing an orderly restructuring of its $72 billion in bond debt, but critics say it is a reversion to old-style colonialism that removes any semblance of democratic control by the people of Puerto Rico over their own affairs. 

We host a debate between Eric LeCompte, executive director of Jubilee USA Network, which has backed the PROMESA bill, and José La Luz, a longtime labor activist who opposes it. "If we didn’t act by today, the vulture funds were being invited to the party, and Puerto Rico was about to become the next Argentina," says LeCompte. 

"The truth is that this colonial junta is nothing but a glorified collection agency for the hedge funds and the vulture funds," counters La Luz.

WATCH THE FULL PROGRAMME AT:

 DEMOCRACY NOW

U.N. Decolonization Committee adopts French Polynesia Resolution

Highlights of the U.N. Resolution:

Reaffirmed the inalienable rights of the people of French Polynesia to the ownership, control and disposal of their natural resources, including marine resources and undersea minerals, and the permanent sovereignty of the people to those resources.

Recognized the significant health and environmental impacts of nuclear testing conducted by the administering Power in the Territory over a 30-year period.

Directed the U.N. Secretary-General to provide continuous updates to his report on the environmental, ecological, health and other impacts of the 30-year period of nuclear testing in French Polynesia, with further details on the impacts of nuclear testing in the Territory, particularly on the consequences of exposure to atomic radiation.

______________________________________

A/AC.109/2016/L.24

Distr.: Limited 

27 June 2016

 Original: English

Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples

                 Draft Resolution submitted by the Chair

Question of French Polynesia

          The General Assembly,

  Having considered the question of French Polynesia,

          Having examined the chapter of the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for 2016 relating to French Polynesia,[1]

          Reaffirming the right of peoples to self-determination, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and in accordance with all relevant resolutions, including General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960 and 1541 (XV) of 15 December 1960,

          Recalling its resolution 67/265 of 17 May 2013, entitled “Self-determination of French Polynesia”, in which it affirmed the inalienable right of the people of French Polynesia to self-determination and independence in accordance with Chapter XI of the Charter and its resolution 1514 (XV), recognized that French Polynesia remains a Non-Self-Governing Territory within the meaning of the Charter, and declared that an obligation exists under Article 73 e of the Charter on the part of the Government of France, as the administering Power of the Territory, to transmit information on French Polynesia,

          Taking note of the section related to French Polynesia of the Final Document of the Seventeenth Ministerial Conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Algiers from 26 to 29 May 2014,[2]

          Expressing concern that 56 years after the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples,[3] there still remain 17 Non-Self-Governing Territories, including French Polynesia,

          Recognizing that all available options for self-determination of the Territories are valid as long as they are in accordance with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned, on a case-by-case basis and in conformity with the clearly defined principles contained in General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV), 1541 (XV) and other relevant resolutions of the Assembly,

          Recognizing also that the specific characteristics and the aspirations of the people of French Polynesia require flexible, practical and innovative approaches to the options for self-determination, without any prejudice to territorial size, geographical location, size of population or natural resources,

          Reaffirming the inalienable rights of the people of French Polynesia to the ownership, control and disposal of their natural resources, including marine resources and undersea minerals,

          Conscious of the responsibility of the administering Power to ensure the full and speedy implementation of the Declaration in respect of French Polynesia,

          Mindful that, in order for the Special Committee to enhance its understanding of the political status of the peoples of the Territories and to fulfil its mandate effectively, on a case-by-case basis, it is important for it to be apprised by the administering Powers and to receive information from other appropriate sources, including the representatives of the Territories, concerning the wishes and aspirations of the people of the Territories,

          Recognizing the significant health and environmental impacts of nuclear testing conducted by the administering Power in the Territory over a 30-year period, and recognizing also the concerns in the Territory related to the consequences of those activities for the lives and health of the people, especially children and vulnerable groups, as well as the environment of the region, and bearing in mind General Assembly resolution 70/81 of 9 December 2015, entitled “Effects of atomic radiation”,

          Recalling the report of the Secretary-General on the environmental, ecological, health and other impacts of the 30-year period of nuclear testing in French Polynesia,[4] prepared pursuant to paragraph 5 of General Assembly resolution 68/93 of 11 December 2013,

          Recognizing the need for the Special Committee to ensure that the appropriate bodies of the United Nations actively pursue a public awareness campaign aimed at assisting the peoples of the Territories in gaining a better understanding of the options for self-determination,

          1.       Reaffirms the inalienable right of the people of French Polynesia to self-determination, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples;

          2.       Also reaffirms that it is ultimately for the people of French Polynesia to determine freely their future political status in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter, the Declaration and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, and in that connection calls upon the administering Power, in cooperation with the territorial Government and appropriate bodies of the United Nations system, to develop political education programmes for the Territory in order to foster an awareness among the people of French Polynesia of their right to self-determination in conformity with the legitimate political status options, based on the principles clearly defined in Assembly resolution 1541 (XV) and other relevant resolutions and decisions;

          3.       Calls upon the administering Power to participate in and cooperate fully with the work of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in order to implement the provisions of Article 73 e of the Charter and the Declaration and in order to advise the Special Committee on the implementation of the provisions under Article 73 b of the Charter on efforts to promote self-government in French Polynesia, and encourages the administering Power to facilitate visiting and special missions to the Territory;

          4.       Regrets that the administering Power has not responded to the request to submit information on French Polynesia under Article 73 e of the Charter;

          5.       Reaffirms that an obligation exists on the part of the administering Power to transmit information under Chapter XI of the Charter, and requests the administering Power to transmit to the Secretary-General such information on French Polynesia as called for under the Charter;

          6.       Urges the administering Power concerned to ensure the permanent sovereignty of the people of French Polynesia over their natural resources, including marine resources and undersea minerals, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly;

          7.       Requests the Secretary-General to provide continuous updates to his report on the environmental, ecological, health and other impacts of the 30-year period of nuclear testing in French Polynesia, with further details on the impacts of nuclear testing in the Territory, particularly on the consequences of exposure to atomic radiation;

          8.       Calls upon the administering Power to intensify its dialogue with French Polynesia in order to facilitate rapid progress towards a fair and effective self-determination process, under which the terms and timelines for an act of self-determination would be agreed;

          9.       Requests the Special Committee to continue to examine the question of the Non-Self-Governing Territory of French Polynesia and to report thereon to the General Assembly at its seventy-second session.

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         [1] Official Records of the General Assembly, Seventieth Session, Supplement No. 23 (A/71/23), chap. X.

         [2] See A/68/966-S/2014/573, annex I.

         [3] Resolution 1514 (XV).

         [4] A/69/189.