01 November 2012

"The Diplomacy Of Decolonisation" by Nic Maclellan

Newmaltida.com


Part 1


Decolonisation might not look like a hot-button issue but after our Security Council win we'll have to start taking it seriously in the Pacific, writes Nic Maclellan

The successful bid for a rotating seat on the UN Security Council places Australia in an interesting place. Over the next few years, we’ll be in the spotlight as the United Nations addresses hot-button international issues: maritime disputes between China and its Asia-Pacific neighbours; the prospects for Palestinian statehood; negotiations for a global climate treaty and a new compact to replace the Millennium Development Goals after 2015.

But closer engagement with the United Nations will also create a few thorny dilemmas on issues that receive less international attention.

One often ignored issue is the future of the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation and the lack of international action to complete the UN agenda on self-determination and political independence. Decolonisation was a major achievement for the UN in the twentieth century, but international attention on the issue faded after the independence of most African colonies on the UN list of non-self-governing territories (with the remaining exception of Western Sahara).

Even as international debates on statehood are reviving, from South Sudan to Scotland and Catalonia, the UN lacks the capacity to support the remaining territories seeking full sovereign independence or free association with their administering power. The United States and other administering powers regularly intervene at UN budgetary committees in favour of reducing resources for work on decolonisation. The Special Committee and UNDecolonisation Unit have been shunted aside in the UN bureaucracy, lacking the staff and finances to complete their mandate. We’re into the third International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism, with limited results from two previous decades since 1990.

For Australia, however, the issue is not going away. Just as East Timor’s political transition has engaged Canberra for decades, so the issue of self-determination in neighbouring island territories remains on the regional agenda.

This is made more complex by the varying status of self-determination struggles in our region under international law. Firstly, there are cases of nineteenth century "blue-water" colonialism by Western powers, such as France (New Caledonia, French Polynesia and Wallis and Futuna), the United States (Guam and American Samoa), Britain (Pitcairn) and New Zealand (Tokelau).

There are also independence struggles inside post-colonial nations which fall outside the existing UN mandate, such as the long-running campaign by West Papuan nationalists in the Indonesian provinces of Papua and West Papua, or Bougainville’s movement for independence from Papua New Guinea.

The issue of nationalism and statehood across Melanesia will soon be bumped up the regional agenda by a coincidence of events. New Caledonia is scheduled to hold a referendum on its political status between 2014-18 and Bougainville is coming to the end of its 10-year autonomy transition in 2015. New Caledonia, Fiji and Indonesia are all scheduled to hold elections in 2014.

Indonesian human rights abuses will keep the pot boiling in Jayapura, and there are plenty of flashpoints that could cause heartburn for relations between Canberra, Jakarta and Port Moresby. For example, what would happen if a boatload of West Papuan asylum seekers arrived in Australian waters in the midst of the 2014 Indonesian election campaign? Will they be towed back to Indonesia or end up in Nauru or Manus?

There are a number of arguments against Canberra allocating resources to the decolonisation agenda: small island developing states have little chance of independence in a globalised, interdependent world; decolonisation would create lots of "fragile states" on Australia’s "doorstep"; talking self-determination would alienate key regional partners like Indonesia, France and the United States. Beyond this, territories like Pitcairn and Tokelau are too small to be functioning sovereign states.

But these arguments carry little weight for Melanesian nationalist movements, which argue that, given their population, minerals and maritime wealth, they could become significant states in the islands region. The rise of Asia has broadened the playing field beyond reliance on former colonial powers, with China and other Asian powers searching for energy, timber and minerals. Massive nickel reserves in New Caledonia, the Freeport mine in West Papua and the Panguna mine in Bougainville would all give post-colonial governments something to bargain with (a reality reflected in the battle currently being played out between China, Australia and independent East Timor over its Timor Gap oil reserves).

The leverage provided by natural resources has been shown in New Caledonia’s Northern Province, where independence leader Paul Neaoutyine and businessman Andre Dang have already negotiated contracts with South Korea and China while building a massive nickel smelter, industrial zone and port complex at Koniambo and Vavouto. The transformation of the north of New Caledonia’s main island suggests that there are options for economic development beyond ongoing French subsidies.

A key diplomatic dilemma for Australia is that Fiji and Papua New Guinea are both active members of the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation. At odds with Canberra over democratic and civil rights, the Bainimarama regime has a range of diplomatic platforms to put Australia on the spot, especially as New Caledonia’s FLNKS independence movement (a fellow member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group) raises the stakes in the lead up to elections in 2014. Fiji has joined the Non-Aligned Movement, has just been appointed as chair of the "Group of 77 plus China", and is revitalising regional diplomacy through the newly formed Group of Asia and Pacific Small Island Developing States within the UN system (A legacy of our colonial heritage, we’ve just won the UNSC seat as a member of the Western Europe and Others Group, not this Asia-Pacific bloc).

Now that Australia will join France, the United States and the United Kingdom on the UN high table next year, will our government address this issue?

There are a number of ways that the UN decolonisation agenda could be advanced, giving some substance to the process beyond current rituals of pious debate and token resolutions. International experts like Carlyle Corbin have flagged a number of practical measures, including a case-by-case work program for each territory, analysis of the ownership of natural resources, visiting missions, better collaboration with UN agencies (WHO, UNDP etc) and support to political education processes.

Corbin has advocated the use of an independent expert to undertake research and analysis on the work program, which had been mandated in the first and second international decades for decolonisation but not undertaken. A systematic assessment of the (lack of) implementation of past decolonisation resolutions would establish a baseline for work to follow.

31 October 2012

Film on Curacao's freedom fighter Tula to begin production

Danny Glover leading role in film about Curacao slave revolt

WILLEMSTAD – In Curaçao preparations are being made to begin shooting a film about Tula, the leader of a great uprising of slaves on the island. One of the roles is played by American actor Danny Glover (66), known from famous Hollywood movies like “Lethal Weapon” and “The Color Purple”.

The cast members were announced at a press conference in Willemstad. The Curaçao film is titled ‘Tula – The Revolt’.

Tula is a legendary figure in Curaçao. He led a rebellion of slaves in 1795, protesting against poor living and working conditions in the plantations. After a few weeks Tula was arrested and executed by the Dutch rulers.

Slavery 

Besides Danny Glover, other actors in the movie are Jeroen Krabbé, Derek de Lint, Henriette Tol and Barry Hay. The singer of Golden Earring has a house on Curacao. Even actors and actresses of the island are involved in Tula.
The film should premiere next year. In 2013 it will be 150 years since slavery was abolished.

26 October 2012

First Turks & Caicos Islands Premier discusses his record in office



A national message from Michael E. Misick
(published in TCI News)

My Brothers and Sisters,

I address you today for two reasons.

Firstly, to place the tenure and record of my former government in its full and proper perspective.

Second, to ask you to support the Progressive National Party (PNP) team as they go full throttle ahead to win the November 9th general elections.

We as Turks and Caicos Islanders have much of which to be proud and many blessing to thank God for. As your first Premier and last elected leader, I am very proud of the accomplishments that we made during our six years in office in spite of the usual obstruction by the British.

You must surely remember that when we in the PNP won office in 2003, unemployment was high, tourism was struggling, there were very few foreign investments, virtually no money was being spent on public infrastructure and only the privileged few were getting free medical care, scholarships and land grants GDP was then $150 million, tourism arrivals were less than 200,000 and there were hardly and public parks and recreational facilities for young people to enjoy.

Shortly after the PNP assumed office, under my leadership and with an able, hard working team guided by God’s help, we were able to turn around the fortunes of our country.

We improved our tourism arrivals to one million visitors through our aggressive marketing which resulted in the Turks and Caicos Islands being one of the strongest tourism brands in the Caribbean.

We attracted billions of dollars in investments in the tourism sector like the Grand Turk cruise port, Seven Stars, Beaches Italian Village, the Regent Grand, and the Amanyara Resort just to name a few. All of this investment while the PNP was in office, led to the Turks and Caicos Islands having the proud distinction of being the most rapidly developing country in the Caribbean and this part of the world.

We also built sports and recreational facilities such as the Gus Lightbourne Stadium, the National Stadium which hosted the 2007 CARIFTA Games, the Bight Children Park, Horsestable Beach Park in North Caicos, the Community Centre in South Caicos, the Lighthouse Park, the over back park, and a many more.

We made sure every person that wanted health care got it free of charge, even if they had to be flown out to Miami to get the best care that money could buy. We spared no cost because we felt, and feel, that nothing is too good for our people. We built two modern world-class hospitals for our people, although we are not now happy with how they are being run and managed, and I could assure you that if we were still in office, they would have been managed differently.

We spent millions of dollars providing local and overseas scholarships to our young people to pursue a wide range of disciplines (doctors, lawyers, pilots, accountants, engineers, managers), to the extent where every family in every community and on every island in the Turks and Caicos Islands benefited from higher education. We can now proudly boast of having one of the most qualified set of people per capita, anywhere in the Caribbean and the world.

We also spent tens of millions of dollars investing in infrastructure, including roads and streetlights throughout Providenciales, deep water ports in North Caicos and Middle Caicos and paved roads throughout Middle Caicos and North Caicos including the causeway. We paved roads all through South Caicos, built a new clinic and began to build a new terminal. We also paved roads in Grand Turk and invested in other public infrastructure including new class rooms. In short, we increased the GDP from $150million to over $750million in six short years.

We were building institutions like TCI Bank, TCI New Media, TC Invest and the National Health and National Insurance Scheme that are so essential to any developing country. Sadly the British has destroyed some of the institutions but a PNP administration would be committed to rebuilding them. These institutions took good care of our people and some are still are taking, care of the sick and providing pension for our elderly in their golden years.

So, in spite of the naysayers, the facts speak for themselves. The PNP party under my leadership made some of the most significant economic and social gains ever in the history of the Turks and Caicos Islands.

I am therefore asking those of you who supported me over the many years, and who love me to this very day, to give that same support to Dr. Rufus Ewing and his team so that they can continue the good work that my team and I started.

We all know what happened. We know that because we were being successful and because we were moving our country towards self-determination, the British fabricated and used the PDM and others to fabricate corruption allegations and the ongoing investigation for their political purpose, simply to derail our progress and our plans.

The ongoing SIPT investigation and court case is nothing but a sham and a Ponzi scheme. No defendant can ever get a fair trial when the British governor and the British government have changed the Constitution and so many laws, such as a Hearsay Law, to ensure convictions. They have also handpicked judges who will do their bidding and in spite of the law and facts they have consistently ruled in the favour of the prosecution team.

However, I must point out this is nothing new for the British. They are masters at divide and rule. They have in the past done the same thing in United States of America, South Africa, Kenya, and other countries which were once colonies like we now are.

Fortunately for those countries the people had the courage to eventually kick them out of their country. The Turks and Caicos people have now seen after three years and US$60 million of the public money, that all of this was done to get me and others out of politics and to politically persecute us, victimise us and wrongfully criminalise us.

The PDM conspired with the British because they knew that because of the progress we had made and the love my people have for me, that I could not be defeated at the polls.
My people, we cannot afford to let the PDM win. A vote for the PDM is a vote to continue the British occupation of our beloved country.

We know the PDM leader and we know that after 30 years in politics he can't point to anything good he has done for our country, and so, if he could not do it when he was young and full of energy, what can he do now?

My people, don't be distracted by the third party PPP. They are agents of SIPT and the British who are only trying to do what they can to prevent a PNP victory. It is so ironic because the leader of the PPP has benefited from the PNP more than any other citizen. My Haitian brothers and sisters, you know I love you.

Remember who was there for you when Oswald Skippings and the PDM put your kids out of school. It was me and the PNP. Remember we made sure that your kids that grew up in Turks and Caicos Islands, although they were born in Haiti, were able to get Belonger status because we felt that it was the right and Christian thing to do. Remember who was always there to fight for your rights.

Therefore, my advice to you is, don't waste your vote on the third party PPP. Vote for your party PNP ALL THE WAY! Finally, this upcoming general election is one of the most important and critical election that we will ever have. This election will determine whether we continue to allow the British and their agents to dominate and occupy our country without any regard or respect for justice, equality or our human rights; or whether we will vote PNP so that we can continue on the road to prosperity and self-determination. A vote for the PDM and Oswald Skippings is a vote for the British and Slick Rick! So on Election Day, I encourage all of you who are registered to vote to go out and vote PNP straight down the line. Don't share your vote. We want all six votes. Touch Down! I miss you all and miss my home dearly and long to return one day in a free and just TCI. Until then, may God bless all of you and may God bless the Turks and Caicos Islands, the home we love so much.

Yours Always,
Michael Eugene Misick
Former Premier of the Turks and Caicos Islands

23 October 2012

Commonwealth Parliamentary Association team to observe election in the Turks & Caicos to restore dependency governance status

Did the British invite CARICOM to observe the election?


Was the United Nations invited? 

United Nations Electoral Affairs Division




CARICOM ASSOCIATE MEMBERS


  1. Anguilla - 4 July 1999
  2. Bermuda - 2 July 2003
  3. British Virgin Islands  2 July 1991
  4. Cayman Islands - 15 May 2002
  5. Turks and Caicos Islands - 2 July 1991 
  6. Montserrat (full member) 4th July 1973 

NON SELF-GOVERNING TERRITORIES

ATLANTIC AND CARIBBEAN
Anguilla United Kingdom 96 14,766
Bermuda United Kingdom 53 68,265
British Virgin Islands United Kingdom 153 24,939
Cayman Islands United Kingdom 260 50,209
Falkland Islands (Malvinas) United Kingdom 11,961 3,140
Montserrat United Kingdom 98 5,118
St. Helena United Kingdom 122 7,670
Turks and Caicos Islands United Kingdom 430 23,528
United States Virgin Islands United States 340 109,750


TCI News

The Commonwealth Parliamentary Association British Islands and Mediterranean Region (CPA BIMR) will facilitate a team of observers to take part in an election observer mission in the TCI, Governor Ric Todd announced last Thursday.

The election observer mission will be in the TCI from 6-12 November 2012 and present its report to the governor before departure.


During a busy programme on polling day, Friday, 9 November, the team will cover seventeen polling stations on Grand Turk, Providenciales, South Caicos, Salt Cay, North and Middle Caicos.

The team has now been selected, in coordination with the Association of Caribbean Electoral Organisations (ACEO), and will include Members from the UK Parliament and the Parliament of Gibraltar together with observers from BVI, The Bahamas, Guyana, Jamaica and St Lucia.


“Applying the highest international standards has been crucial to the reforms and changes that have been brought about over the last three years,” said Todd. “It is a logical extension of this process to make sure that we show the world that we can meet and exceed the highest standard of conduct through this election monitoring team’s judgement, conclusions and report.”


The election observer team members are:

1. Gasper Jn Baptiste, Deputy Chief Elections officer, St Lucia.

2. Joe Bossano MP, Minister for Enterprise Training and Employment, Gibraltar
3. Thomas Doherty MP, UK Parliament
4. James Duddridge MP, UK Parliament
5. Sherlyn Hall, Deputy Permanent Secretary, Parliamentary Registration Department, The Bahamas
6. Keith Lowenfield, Assistant Chief Election Monitor, Guyana
7. Rev. Lowenfield, Assistant Chief Election Monitor, Jamaica
8. Juliette Penn, Election Commissioner, BVI

18 October 2012

BRITISH CONTINUE IN 'COLONIAL DENIAL' IN STATEMENTS TO U.N.


The recent statements by the British representative to the United Nations Fourth Committee only serve to repeat the same discredited position of past years that 'modernised' colonial status has become the 'new self-government ' - at least, in the eyes of the 'administering power which has the most dependencies.' This latest attempt to legitimise colonialism is more of the same fiction which continues to be rejected by the people of the territories dependencies and the most of the international community. Perhaps they think that if the fiction is repeated enough, maybe someone will somehow start to believe it. Certainly, the people in the territories, (with the exception of one or two mis-guided elected souls) view this as utter nonsense since the very colonial constitutions being promoted so arrogantly only serve to retain - and even strengthen - the unilateral power of the British over these islands. These so-called 'self-governing' territories have no political representation in the British political system, and are subject to 'orders-in-council' which can force laws upon them without their consent and against their will. The U.N. resolutions acknowledge this. Further, legislation of the elected dependency governments can be anulled by an un-elected governor sent by the British who has immediate full and absolute political control once stepping off the plane in the territory. this is clearly spelled out in the constitutions given to these territories. The elected dependency governments can even be abolished by such an 'order.' This took place in the Turks and Caicos Islands over three years ago. Self government? Please!!"  -- A Caribbean territory politician.



General Assembly
GA/SPD/507

Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York
Sixty-seventh General Assembly
Fourth Committee
5th Meeting (PM)
(excerpts)

SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON DECOLONIZATION ‘NO LONGER RELEVANT’ TO OVERSEAS TERRITORIES


OF UNITED KINGDOM, FOURTH COMMITTEE TOLD



Speaker Says Territories Achieved Large Measure of Self-Government, Deserved
To Be ‘De-Listed’ Long Ago; United Kingdom Will Ensure Security, Good Governance

MICHAEL TATHAM ( United Kingdom) stated that the United Kingdom maintained its long-standing position on the independence of the Territories it administered, which was that any separation should be on the clear and constitutionally based wish of the people of the Territory concerned.  If it was the wish of the people, the United Kingdom would meet its obligations to help the people achieve that goal.

He referred to a white paper published in June, which outlined the overall approach of the United Kingdom to its Territories and confirmed its commitment to the relationship it had with them.  The constitutional status of each had been reviewed and each had its own unique constitution.  While the United Kingdom would continue to work with Territories to modernize their constitutions, and expected them to evolve and require adjustment in light of changing circumstances, it remained convinced that the fundamental structure of its constitutional relationships was the right one.

Quoting from the white paper, he said of his country:  “We believe that at this point in the history of our relationships with the Territories, when a decade of constitutional revision is coming to a close, the time is not right to embark on a further round of constitutional change,” he said.  Rather, the country’s strategy was to ensure that the constitutional arrangements worked effectively to promote the best interests of the Territories and the United Kingdom.  It was important to continue to reflect on the constitutional relationship and the United Kingdom would continue dialogue with all parties concerned.

He said that the Special Committee on Decolonization (“Special Committee of 24”) no longer had a relevant role to play with respect to the Overseas Territories of the United Kingdom.  The Territories had a large measure of self-government and all of them should have been delisted a long time ago.

However, given that some United Nations Members wished to retain the Committee and that some democratically elected Territory representatives wished to present their own positions directly to it, the United Kingdom would continue to support it and those Territories’ rights to determine their own futures.

The aforementioned white paper made it clear that the fundamental responsibility of the United Kingdom was to ensure that the Territories were secure, enjoyed good governance, and met the same high standards in terms of, among others, the rule of law, human rights and integrity.

He reported on positive developments in Turks and Caicos, including that it had been determined that elections would be held there next month.  A new constitution had been drawn up with wide participation from the people of the Territory, and it would be brought into force soon.  He was pleased that sufficient progress would be made to restore democratic governance there.

He concluded that the relationship between the United Kingdom and its Overseas Territories was based on partnership, shared values, and the right of each Territory to determine whether to maintain the link or not.  For as long as they wanted to maintain the link, the United Kingdom was committed to assist in each Territory’s future development and continued security.

*****

General Assembly
GA/SPD/509

 
Also speaking in explanation of position, the representative of the United Kingdom stated that her country regretted that the “Committee of 24” (Special Committee on Decolonization) continued with its outdated approach even though the relationship between the United Kingdom and its Overseas Territories had modernized.  Some of the language in today’s resolution was unacceptable as it did not reflect that the relationship between the United Kingdom and its Territories, which was based on shared values and the right to self-determination.  On the subject of Turks and Caicos, the resolution did not reflect the considerable progress that had been made in that Territory...


14 October 2012

Dependency governance is the problem, it cannot be the solution


Statement of Dr. Carlyle G. Corbin
 International Advisor on Governance

United Nations Special Political and Decolonisation Committee 
(Fourth Committee)
(Agenda Items 58 and 60)

9th  October 2012

CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY
_______________________________________________________________________ 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

            Permit me to congratulate you and other members of the bureau on being elected to conduct the affairs of this committee.

            Mr. Chairman,

          The implementation of decolonisation resolutions is critical to carrying out the  mandate of the General Assembly to give effect to Article 73 (b) of the UN Charter. In this connection, a number of U.N. bodies are to be commended for implementing  resolutions which call for support to the small island non self-governing territories from the UN system. UNDP has been properly recognised for its longstanding coordination of assistance to the territories from the wider United Nations system provided to many of the territories for several decades. Other agencies (UNCTAD, ILO, FAO, ICAO,  UPU and IMO)  have included territories in various programmes during the period.

Most recently,  UNICF provided  assistance to several Caribbean and Pacific territories as reflected in the 2012 Report of the President of ECOSOC (E/2012/47). This report also provided information on technical training, policy planning and other assistance from WHO and UNICEF to a number of territories. UNESCO has also afforded scope for some Caribbean territories to participate in its regional climate change monitoring programme and tsunami exercises. Respective UNDP regional programmes for the Caribbean and Pacific also provide for participation by many territories. The associate membership of most territories in UN-ECLAC and UN-ESCAP, and in the specialised agencies of UNESCO, FAO, IMO, the UN-WTO has proven to be a successful modality.

The number of agencies responding to the Secretary-General’s request for information on such activities in implementation of the Decolonisation Declaration has declined from past years, and the agencies do not routinely address this committee under Agenda Item  58. In future, perhaps the request for information from UN bodies might be re-worded to focus attention on their assistance programmes, rather then on their implementation of the Decolonisation Declaration.

Mr. Chairman,

The participation of the territories in UN world conferences is important to their  capacity building. This is reflected in previous resolutions of the General Assembly, and again contained in the resolution before you. This longstanding provision provides for the participation of many territories in the relevant UN world conferences beginning with the Earth Summit in 1992 through the International Meeting on Small Islands in 2005.

Consistent with established practice,  the rules of procedure for the recently-completed  Rio + 20  included the category for the participation of the territories. Yet, they were not permitted to participate contrary to General Assembly resolutions. This is un-helpful and inconsistent with the UN mandate. Member states are requested to adhere to decades-long established practice of territorial participation for future UN world conferences, including  the 2014 Barbados + 20 conference on small island developing states.

Mr. Chairman,

          General Assembly resolutions designed to involve the wider UN system in implementing the decolonisation process are again before this committee under Agenda Item 60. There is reference in the small territories resolution to collaboration with the Human Rights Committee under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; and reference to political education programmes to be undertaken by ‘appropriate UN bodies.’ There are the annual references in the reports of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination which have called for collaboration with the Decolonization Committee since 2001.

The Plan of Implementation endorsed by the General Assembly in 2006 [1] identified a range of U.N. bodies and special mechanisms to accelerate implementation. Coordination with the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues was requested in 2004 and again in 2008. These and other innovations constitute part of the legislative authority on decolonisation. If these had been implemented, we would be further advanced in the decolonisation process today.

To conclude, it has long been established by the General Assembly that self-determination is a fundamental human right. It is therefore to be recognised that the status quo dependency models in the small island dependencies, however complex or ‘modernised’, are inconsistent with the principle of self-determination, and are contradictory to democratic governance. The status quo is the problem, It cannot also be, simultaneously, the solution.  

In this context, “members States have adopted numerous actions in the General Assembly to give effect to the decolonisation mandate – to correct the political inequality of the status quo – not to legitimise it. However, the UN has not yet entered the actual implementation phase where initiatives proposed, would become initiatives completed.  The discussion which needs to be held is on this precise point of implementation.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.




[1] UN General Assembly Res. 61/130 of 14 Dec. 2006

Report of the Argentine Government on the militarization of the South Atlantic by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland



The Argentine Republic is once again compelled to alert the international community, through the principal organs of the United Nations, to the growing British militarization of the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia Islands and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas, which are part of Argentine national territory and, as they are illegally occupied by the United Kingdom, are the subject of a bilateral sovereignty dispute recognized by the United Nations. 

The Argentine Government has repeatedly stressed that this growing British militarization is contrary to the search for a peaceful settlement to the sovereignty dispute and constitutes an affront to the entire region, creating unnecessary tension in the South Atlantic. 

The Argentine Government’s concern has recently increased owing to statements made and decisions adopted by the British Government that are clearly provocative in nature and that result in the creation of a situation in the South Atlantic that is desired by neither Argentina nor the region. 

The statements made to Parliament by Prime Minister David Cameron on 18 January 2012 cannot be interpreted otherwise, as he referred to the Malvinas Islands military forces and said that he had convened the National Security Council to discuss this issue. This was accompanied by statements from the Minister of State for the Armed Forces at the Ministry of Defence, Nick Harvey, who also addressed Parliament on 16 January 2012, boasting that the Malvinas Islands military base has substantial military resources, including air, sea and ground forces, which can be reinforced, if necessary. 

On 15 January 2012, the British Foreign Secretary, William Hague, spoke along the same lines when he added a reference to the recent modernization of the military airport of the islands. On 1 February 2012, Julien Brazier, a member of the Defence Committee of the British House of Commons, described the recent British military deployment as a “very powerful and timely” message to Argentina.


Argentina has information that, in the  context of the recent British military deployment in the Malvinas Islands, refers to the dispatch of a nuclear submarine with the capacity to transport nuclear weapons to the South Atlantic. Argentina, as well as other countries of the region acting at its request, has sought information from the United Kingdom regarding the transportation of nuclear weapons to the South Atlantic. 

The United Kingdom has refused to provide any information that would serve to confirm or deny that fact, which is a serious matter affecting countries with which it seeks to maintain normal diplomatic relations. 

Such conduct, which has also occurred in the past, has served to increase the Argentine Government’s concern at this military escalation. 

Read the full report here.


12 October 2012

Bermuda economic advisor Dr Andrew Brimmer joins the ancestors


Government’s economic policy advisor dies

By Jonathan Bell


Bermuda Government's Principal Policy Advisor to the Ministry of Finance
 Dr Andrew Brimmer has died, aged 86


Dr. Brimmer is widely recognised as the first black American to serve as a governor of the US Federal Reserve System.


In Bermuda, he is best known for serving since 1999 as Principal Policy Advisor to the Ministry of Finance.

Premier and Finance Minister Paula Cox hailed Dr Brimmer as “one who believed in Bermuda, and was proud of what we had achieved as a Government”.

She said the Louisiana-born economist had “become family” through his relationship with her father, the first Progressive Labour Party Minister of Finance, Eugene Cox.

Taken on by Mr Cox to “represent the financial interest of the Country”, Dr Brimmer continued his appointment up until his death.

Ms Cox commended Dr Brimmer as a champion of Bermuda’s evolution as a premier financial services jurisdiction.

Coming from a sharecropper family in the segregated South, Dr Brimmer was ultimately appointed a governor of the Federal Reserve in 1966, by President Lyndon Johnson.

He served also on the Tuskegee University board of directors, from 1965 to 2010, and taught at Harvard University.

Dr Brimmer is survived by his wife Doris, and a daughter, Esther Dianne Brimmer.

Ms Cox called his passing both a personal and a professional loss for her.

“Although he can be succeeded, his shoes cannot be filled,” she said.

11 October 2012

United Nations Fourth Committee hears views of Caribbean, Pacific and other dependencies on future political development


9 October 2012
General Assembly
GA/SPD/505

Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York
Sixty-seventh General Assembly
Fourth Committee
3rd Meeting (PM)

CONSEQUENCES OF PERSISTENT DEPENDENCY RELATIONS EXAMINED IN FOURTH COMMITTEE


AS PETITIONERS EXPRESS UNYIELDING POSITIONS OVER DISPUTED TERRITORIES



Situations in Western Sahara, Gibraltar,
Turks and Caicos, New Caledonia, Guam Considered

As the Fourth Committee (Special Political and Decolonization) met to hear petitioners on its annual draft of decolonization issues, many decried the violation of the human rights of Western Saharan refugees, including what some claimed was the exploitation of their natural resources by Morocco.

During the meeting, one petitioner, from the Algerian National Committee for Solidarity with the Saharan People, spoke about the dramatic situation of the Saharan population in the occupied territories of Western Sahara, and the “alarming dangers” they faced due, he said, to repression by the occupying Moroccan authorities.  He described serious human rights violations, which had generated an atmosphere of terror and dissuaded people from reporting the atrocities.

In his view, the whole of Western Sahara was subjected to a military siege and a media blackout, as the Moroccan authorities had made it very difficult for non-governmental organizations, international media and observers to gain access.  Both men and women of all social categories were subjected to serious human rights violations, which included forced disappearances, arbitrary detention, torture, genocide, and internal forced displacement.

Speaking of the Saharans who lived in the refugee camps, another petitioner, from Not Forgotten International, praised their incredible patience, as they waited for the champions of freedom of the world to let them determine their own future as a nation and a shining example of democracy and commitment to peace.  But their patience was wearing dangerously thin and there was growing sentiment that they would rather die fighting for their own country than be known as the longest-lasting refugees who died committed to a peaceful solution.

Attention was also drawn to what a petitioner called Morocco’s “shameful spoilage” of Western Sahara’s natural resources.  Member States were urged not to be accomplices to crimes against Western Sahara’s future generations.  Petitioners also argued that international aid was insufficient, amounting to less than 50 cents per day per person.  Refugees were desperately short of everything, including food, health care, housing, water and education, they said.

However, some speakers countered that Morocco had served as a beneficial steward to Western Sahara and its people.  According to a petitioner from the University of Delhi, Morocco had continued to complete its process of integration, which was happening in phases.  Morocco had invested in many positive initiatives and guaranteed all Saharan people, both inside and outside the region, a participatory role without discrimination, he said.

Petitioners also argued that the new constitution proposed by Morocco was based on the principles of unity and inclusion, took into account the diversity of the region, and would provide for an adequate division of powers among state and regional and local authorities.

Another petitioner, of Depute Parlementaire de Laayoune, spoke about the despair and frustration that, in his view, resulted from the activities of the leaders of the Polisario Front.  The people in the camps were hostages of “this fictitious Republic”, he said.  Algeria must understand that there would be serious consequences for providing logistic support to the separatists and playing with the territorial integrity of their neighbours.

On the question of Gibraltar, that territory’s recently elected Chief Minister, Fabian Picardo, said that Spain was playing “Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde” with Gibraltar, preaching freedom and democracy to the world while denying Gibraltarians the right to have a say in their own future.  The proposal by Spain to resume bilateral talks with the United Kingdom over the sovereignty of Gibraltar “ignored” the wishes of the people of Gibraltar.  Gibraltar’s sovereignty was a bilateral issue only for the people of Gibraltar and the British Crown, he stated, and Spain must drop its claim to the land.

Emphasizing that the people of Gibraltar enjoyed a constitutional relationship with the United Kingdom, he added that despite the “intolerable” actions by the Spanish Government, the people of that Territory wished to continue their positive engagement with the Government and people of Spain over the issue of the Bay of Gibraltar.  The threatening attitude of the Spanish Government, he said, resembled the attitude of General Franco, who had believed that Gibraltar would “fall like a ripe fruit” after the closure of the border between it and Spain.  But Gibraltar remained steadfast and “unripe” as ever, he stated.

Also speaking on the question of Gibraltar, the representative of Spain stated that the principle of territorial integrity was of the essence.  Gibraltar was very different from most Non-Self-Governing Territories and, therefore, solutions must also be different. There could be no doubt whatsoever regarding the validity of the Treaty of Utrecht, he stressed, which, as the United Kingdom had recalled on various occasions, made unfeasible the independence of Gibraltar without Spain’s consent.

Echoing sentiments expressed throughout the afternoon, a speaker from the Turks and Caicos Islands Human Rights Commission noted that despite all the efforts of the United Nations to rid the world of the curse of colonialism, it still reared its ugly head.  Colonialism remained an indelible stain on the fabric of civilization, he said, and the international community must prevent its overreaching hand from eroding the authority of the elected governments and impinging on those people’s democratic rights.

The Committee also heard additional speakers on the questions of New Caledonia, Guam, Turks and Caicos Islands, and Western Sahara.

Exercising the right of reply were the representatives of the United Kingdom and Spain.

The Fourth Committee will meet again at 3 p.m. on 10 October to continue its consideration of decolonization issues.

Background

The Fourth Committee (Special Political and Decolonization) met this afternoon to continue its consideration of decolonization issues, for which it is scheduled to hear from representatives of Non-Self-Governing Territories and petitioners.  (For background, see Press Release GA/SPD/504 of 8 October.)

Statements

FERNANDO ARIAS ( Spain) stated that the case of Gibraltar was very different from that of most of the Territories subjected to decolonization and therefore the applicable solutions had to be different as well.  In the case of Gibraltar, the principle of territorial integrity was of the essence.  The General Assembly had made that clear in successive resolutions urging both Spain and the United Kingdom to negotiate.  For Spain, the solution entailed a restitution of the Territory, the one transferred by the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713, as well as the land that was later occupied by the United Kingdom without any legal basis.

He said the United Kingdom, as the administering Power and the international responsible party for the Territory, was the one to attend to the needs of the inhabitants.  On its side, the Government of Spain had stated on several occasions its readiness to establish mechanisms enabling local cooperation for the welfare and economic development of the inhabitants of the Campo de Gibraltar and Gibraltar.  However, that did not imply the acceptance of a right to the self-determination in this case.  Such a right was ascribed to the population of a colonized Territory, not to the settlers imposed by the occupying Powers in detriment of the native inhabitants.

He went on to say that there could be no doubt whatsoever regarding the validity of the Treaty of Utrecht, which, as the United Kingdom had recalled on various occasions, made unfeasible the independence of Gibraltar without Spain’s consent.  He called on the United Kingdom to resume bilateral dialogue on the decolonization of Gibraltar in accordance with the United Nations mandate.

FABIAN PICARDO, Chief Minister of Gibraltar, said that Spain was playing “Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde” with Gibraltar, preaching freedom and democracy to the world while denying Gibraltarians the right to have a say in their own future.  The proposal by Spain to resume bilateral talks with the United Kingdom over the sovereignty of Gibraltar “ignored” the wishes of the people of Gibraltar and referred only to their “interests” being taken into account.  He recalled that the United Kingdom had repeatedly said she would never enter into an arrangement whereby Gibraltar would pass under the sovereignty of another State against the wishes of its people.  The sovereignty of Gibraltar was a bilateral issue only for the people of Gibraltar and the British Crown.  He referred to a recent statement by King Juan Carlos of Spain, who said that, in his view, it was not time for politicians in Spain to be chasing “pipe dreams” or “Chimeras”.

Mr. Picardo said that it was now 299 years since, under the Treaty of Utrecht, Spain had agreed to cede Gibraltar’s sovereignty to the United Kingdom, and there had now been 308 years of uninterrupted British sovereignty over it.  The Treaty was now clearly defunct and overtaken by subsequent international treaties and texts, not least, the United Nations Charter and decolonisation resolutions.  In short, there were too many arguments against Spain’s position to set them out in the current forum.  The only way forward was to remove Gibraltar from the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories.  Spain must drop its claim to the land.

The people of Gibraltar, he said, enjoyed a constitutional relationship with the United Kingdom, approved by referendum, in keeping with General Assembly resolution 2625 (1970).  If not delisted on the basis of that relationship, the people of Gibraltar should be told how their present constitutional arrangements did not achieve the maximum possible level of self-government, short of independence, so that they might deal directly with the United Kingdom to resolve it.  Nonetheless, he remained strongly committed to a trilateral process of dialogue.  The United Kingdom had expressed its strong commitment as well.

The people of Gibraltar, despite the “intolerable” actions by the Spanish Government, also wished to continue their positive engagement with the Government and people of Spain over the issue of Bay of Gibraltar, he said.  Illegal incursions by Spain into British territorial waters had been going on for several years, and while they had not yet resulted in any human injury, that risk existed every day that the incursions continued.  Furthermore, there was much more that could be done to develop the economy of Gibraltar and the neighbouring Spanish towns if they were able to engage in meaningful cooperation with Spain.  The sad fact was that the threatening attitude of the Spanish Government, including in the media, and attacks against their economy at every opportunity.  That resembled the attitude taken in the 1960s by General Franco, who believed that Gibraltar would “fall like a ripe fruit” after the closure of the border between it and Spain.  Yet there had been five different political administrations in Spain, and Gibraltar remained steadfast and “unripe” as ever.  The Spanish “time warp” must end.

HAROLD MARTIN, President of the Government of New Caledonia, stated that recent election results in his country had prematurely launched the campaign for general election of May 2014, and as a result, the Government would have great difficulty in convincing ministers to vote for major initiatives to reduce social inequality.  Briefing the Committee on socioeconomic development in the Territory, he said that New Caledonia had begun the new school year in good condition.  The new civil society centre would soon be operational.

He reaffirmed that the timeline set forth by the Noumea Accord would be applied to the economic and social funds in spite of the global economic crisis.  The situation remained satisfactory, with gross domestic product (GDP) growth and low unemployment.  Budget credits allocated by the state would fuel business activity.  The goals of economic and social rebalancing remained the Government’s first priority.

He highlighted, among other social improvements, a provision to provide men and women over the age of 60 with a decent monthly allocation.  In other developments, New Caledonia’s relations with its neighbours were being scaled up, as were its bilateral cooperation activities, as it diversified cooperation through exchanges with Fiji, Tonga, Papua New Guinea and the Cook Islands.  The Territory also had participated in the recent meetings of the Pacific Islands Forum.

The representative of Papua New Guinea, encouraging all the parties to respect the rights and dignity of the Kanak people in accordance with the provisions of the Noumea Accord, asked if the New Caledonian President could inform the Committee how many Kanak people had been trained and would be trained in the professional areas?  How many doctors and engineers and civil engineers and bureaucrats were being trained so they could participate in the civil society of New Caledonia?

Responding, Mr. MARTIN stated that the job offers were four times higher than the requests for jobs.  Yet, 7,000 people were still out of work, owing to a lack of training.  Great efforts were being taken to train the young Kanak people through a special provision called “400 Managers”.  Further, the University of New Caledonia had special training sessions to enable youths to attend the great French schools.  Young people also participated in training conventions held in other countries, such as Canada.

TIARA R. NAPUTI, Guahan Coalition for Peace and Justice, said that in April, a joint statement released by the United States-Japan Security Consultative Committee confirmed that approximately 5,000 Marines and their dependents would be relocated to Guahan.  Since the United States military already controlled one-third of the island, the indigenous Chamorro people were in danger of being pushed further to the margins by the threatened inundation of the island with thousands of military members and associated personnel.  The island’s dependency status impeded the indigenous rights of the Chamorro and their ability to participate in the decisions that affected their culture, land, and lives.

On the subject of a lawsuit filed by Arnold “Dave” Davis against the definition of “native inhabitant of Guam” as a condition for the self-determination plebiscite, she added that the case demanded attention from the United Nations.  While it outwardly appeared to be a reverse discrimination case, it had nothing to do with protecting civil rights or preventing race discrimination.  Davis’ lawsuit demonstrated an attempt by a Guahan resident to invoke United States’ domestic and legal processes and preemptively deny the long-colonized peoples of Guahan the opportunity to exercise the inherent right of self-determination.

DANIEL MALCOLM, Turks and Caicos Islands Human Rights Commission, said that despite all the efforts of the United Nations to rid the world of the curse of colonialism, it still reared its ugly head.  Colonialism remained an indelible stain on the fabric of civilization.  Its overreaching hand eroded the authority of the elected governments of the Non-Self-Governing Territories, impinging on their democratic rights as they grappled with the effects of recession and financial crises.  He called for a revival of the Trusteeship System, which had worked well in the past.  Towards that end, he asked the Committee to vet a draft resolution that would give access to the Trusteeship System by both dependent Territories and any administering countries appointed by the United Nations as mentors of the Territories.

O’BRIEN FORBES, The TCI People’s Referendum, stated that the Turks and Caicos was not a Crown colony won in conflict or acquired by purchase.  The British “overseership” was to be “conditioned by consent of the people of Turks and Caicos”.  However, recent experience had shown that those officials had been incautious enough to insist on their judgment against the public.  He was therefore in favour of Daniel Malcolm’s proposed resolution, and asked that the mechanism of a United Nations trusteeship be revived in the case of Turks and Caicos.

CARLYLE CORBIN, International Adviser on Governance, Saint Thomas Virgin Islands, stated that it had long been established by the General Assembly that self-determination was a fundamental human right.  It was therefore to be recognized that the status quo dependency models, however complex, were inconsistent with that principle and contradictory to democratic governance.  The status quo was the problem.  It could not also, simultaneously, be the solution.

                                            READ THE FULL PRESS RELEASE HERE.

10 October 2012

"Dire need for international attention and direct action" to address self-­‐determination of Guam - CHamoru speaker tells U.N.



TIARA R. NAPUTI, Guahan Coalition for Peace and Justice, said that in April, a joint statement released by the United States-Japan Security Consultative Committee confirmed that approximately 5,000 Marines and their dependents would be relocated to Guahan. Since the United States military already controlled one-third of the island, the indigenous Chamorro people were in danger of being pushed further to the margins by the threatened inundation of the island with thousands of military members and associated personnel. The island’s dependency status impeded the indigenous rights of the Chamorro and their ability to participate in the decisions that affected their culture, land, and lives.

On the subject of a lawsuit filed against the definition of “native inhabitant of Guam” as a condition for the self-determination plebiscite, she added that the case demanded attention from the United Nations. While it outwardly appeared to be a reverse discrimination case, it had nothing to do with protecting civil rights or preventing race discrimination. The lawsuit demonstrated an attempt by a Guahan resident to invoke United States’ domestic and legal processes and preemptively deny the long-colonized peoples of Guahan the opportunity to exercise the inherent right of self-determination.





Read full statement of Tiara R. Na’puti delivered to the United Nations Special Political and Decolonization Committee  (Fourth Committee) on The Question Of Guam on October 9, 2012.


Turks & Caicos Islands to return to elected dependency governance



The Commonwealth Parliamentary Association British Islands and Mediterranean Region (CPA BIMR) will facilitate a team of observers to take part in an election observer mission in the TCI, Governor Ric Todd announced last Thursday.


The election observer mission will be in the TCI from 6-12 November 2012 and present its report to the governor before departure. 

During a busy programme on polling day, Friday, 9 November, the team will cover seventeen polling stations on Grand Turk, Providenciales, South Caicos, Salt Cay, North and Middle Caicos.

The team has now been selected, in coordination with the Association of Caribbean Electoral Organisations (ACEO), and will include Members from the UK Parliament and the Parliament of Gibraltar together with observers from BVI, The Bahamas, Guyana, Jamaica and St Lucia. 

“Applying the highest international standards has been crucial to the reforms and changes that have been brought about over the last three years,” said Todd. “It is a logical extension of this process to make sure that we show the world that we can meet and exceed the highest standard of conduct through this election monitoring team’s judgement, conclusions and report.”

The election observer team members are:

1. Gasper Jn Baptiste, Deputy Chief Elections officer, St Lucia.

2. Joe Bossano MP, Minister for Enterprise Training and Employment, Gibraltar

3. Thomas Doherty MP, UK Parliament

4. James Duddridge MP, UK Parliament

5. Sherlyn Hall, Deputy Permanent Secretary, Parliamentary Registration Department, The Bahamas

6. Keith Lowenfield, Assistant Chief Election Monitor, Guyana

7. Rev. Lowenfield, Assistant Chief Election Monitor, Jamaica

8. Juliette Penn, Election Commissioner, BVI