Puerto Rico Nationalist Leader Lolita Lebrón remembered

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Nationalist leader’s influence spanned almost a century

Puerto Rico Daily Sun

 

By Peggy Ann Bliss

Daily Sun staff

pbliss@prdailysun.net

Late Nationalist leader Lolita Lebrón was remembered Monday at her grave overlooking the Atlantic Ocean on the first anniversary of her death.

Students, workers and church and social organizations attended the 10 a.m. commemoration in the St. Mary Magdalene of Pazzis Cemetery in Old San Juan, where the remains of the Lares native are buried.

Born Dolores Lebrón Sotomayor on Puerto Rico Discovery Day, Nov. 19, 1919, in one of the historically patriotic towns, she was a lifelong fighter for the cause of Puerto Rican independence. The daughter of a coffee plantation foreman, Lebrón joined the Liberal Party and became involved romantically with Lares poet and Nationalist Francisco Matos Paoli. Before the end of World War II, however, she set out looking for a better life in New York, where she became a seamstress.

Lebrón died at age 90, having spent 25 of her life in United States prisons for having directed a Puerto Rican Nationalist command of four that on March 1, 1954 conducted a shootout on the U.S. House of Representatives in Washington to denounce the colonial situation after the creation two years earlier of the Commonwealth status.

Today’s activity is organized by the Puerto Rico Nationalist Party, along with the Puerto Rican Independence Party and the Caribbean and Latin American Coordinator of Puerto Rico. Leaders of the three groups will lead the tribute, according to Linda Colón Lebrón, who represents the Nationalist secretariats for Women and International Relations.

In the dramatic shootout, Lebrón and her companions in the spectators gallery shot as many as 30 bullets, wounding five congressmen.

Lebrón, who was the subject of movies, books and paintings, always was proud of her role in the shooting. She said the new status was only more colonization. She fully expected that her participation, brandishing a Luger and shouting Viva Puerto Rico, would cost her her life.

­She remained faithful to her ideals until her death, and served 60 days in jail for protesting the presence of the U.S. Navy base in Vieques. However, she did reject violence in favor of civil disobedience, which she said was more effective.

During the shooting 57 years ago, she wore bright lipstick and appeared like a beauty queen. Later, she wore her hair white and her clothes black. She had fired her eight shots at the ceiling, and therefore received a lighter sentence than the other three men who joined her, Rafael Cancel, Andres Figueroa and Irving Flores. Later, all four were pardoned, and released, by President Jimmy Carter. Figueroa was released earlier because he had cancer. She received a heroine’s welcome, but the pardons were opposed by Gov. Carlos Romero Barceló, who said it would encourage terrorism.

In New York, she joined the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, becoming a follower of Pedro Albizu Campos, and promoting her strong feminist ideals. It was Albizu who got her involved with the dramatic attack on Congress, one of several drastic moves, including the Jayuya Uprising in which another young woman, Blanca Canales, was involved.

In prison, she built an altar in her cell and said she had repeated ecstatic religious visions. She refused to apply for parole because that meant apologizing. Back in Puerto Rico, she turned to religion with an unabashed passion, speaking of her Christian principles at every opportunity. Although some serious wounds were inflicted during her 1954 actions, she never expressed regret for what she believed she had to do.

Lebrón is survived by her husband, Dr. Sergio Irizarry, whom she met when he monitored her health in prison. The couple moved to a small house in Loíza, filled with religious statues and a large Puerto Rican flag, but the house burned down in 2005. Since then, until her death last year, she suffered a number of illnesses, but remained true to her friends and her ideals.



Gene Emanuel, Virgin Islands scholar, Pan Africanist and culture bearer, joins the ancestors

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Statement on the passing of Professor Gene Emanuel

Office of the Governor

Government of the U.S. Virgin Islands

Governor John P. de Jongh Saddened by Loss of Gene Emanuel

Governor John P. de Jongh, Jr. extended his deepest condolences today to the family and students of University of the Virgin Islands Professor Gene Emanuel, an educator and scholar who challenged his students by asking them to challenge conventional thinking.

“In the death of Gene Emanuel, the Virgin Islands has lost an outstanding professor and a man who has been credited with representing the cultural consciousness of the University of the Virgin Islands where he served as a faculty member since 1981. He was most recently the Associate Professor of Humanities at UVI.

Professor Emanuel's research and academic studies greatly illuminated our territory's cultural identity and the proud legacy of Caribbean peoples as a whole. He brought the same energy devoted to his research into the classroom, where his charismatic style and deep reservoir of knowledge lit an intellectual fire in thousands of UVI students over the years, inspiring them to learn through great literature about the experiences of the African peoples in diaspora, de Jongh added.

“For three decades, Professor Emanuel guided the intellectual development of our territory's finest young scholars, helping them discover their voice, their passion for learning and their awareness of the great issues we face as a people,” de Jongh said, adding, Professor Emanuel's expertise and vast knowledge in his field was recognized when he was selected as a delegate to the African Union's African Diaspora Technical Committee of Experts earlier this year in Pretoria, South Africa.

“To know Professor Emanuel was to know his untiring passion for Afro-Caribbean history and culture. Not only was he an outstanding and sought-after professor, he was a mentor to many who sought a higher education at the University of the Virgin Islands. For many years, Professor Emanuel attempted to increase the public’s awareness of the role of UVI in the community through his weekly radio program on WSTA Radio. “Up to last Saturday afternoon, Professor Emanuel spoke of the University and its many programs and course offerings on the radio show. His voice was always one of depth and wisdom, he was truly an advocate for UVI and his numerous contributions will be sorely missed,” de Jongh said.

“My wife, Cecile and I were saddened to learn of Professor Emanuel's passing, but we take solace in knowing that he lives on in generations of Virgin Islanders who were inspired by his teachings and touched by his generosity of spirit,” de Jongh said.

_________________________________________________________________________________

Message from David Hall, President of the University of the Virgin Islands

and

Karl S. Wright, Provost, University of the Virgin Islands

on the passing of Professor Gene Emanuel

The University community is saddened to learn of the sudden passing of Mr. Gene Emanuel, Associate Professor of English. Across both campuses throughout the day today, members of the University community remembered Professor Emanuel, and spoke of the loss to the University community of this native son, who touched the lives of so many, both within and outside the University and the U.S. Virgin Islands.

An esteemed member of the UVI faculty since 1981, the iconic Prof. Emanuel was an important force not only on the campus, but throughout the community. He hosted a weekly radio show, “On Air University” and directed the VI Folk Life Festival in 1991. Prof. Emanuel was also the inspirational force in the formation of the Debate Society in 2005 and chaired the Young Men United Organization at the University.

For his stellar contributions, Mr. Emanuel received numerous recognitions and honors, from such organizations as the Phi Beta Lambda Business and Professional Society in 1994; the Virgin Voice publication in 2006; and UVI’s chapter of the Golden Key Honour Society in March, 2011.

A gifted and caring teacher, Prof. Emanuel was beloved by his students for his knowledge and his passion. To his peers on the faculty, he was a colleague whose intellect and scholarship were widely acknowledged.

The Administration will advise the University Family in the near future of plans to recognize and celebrate the magnificent contributions Prof. Emanuel made to this historic institution.

Prof. Emanuel joined the UVI faculty in 1981, when the University was still the College of the Virgin Islands (CVI). Throughout his career, Prof. Emanuel stressed that learning involves more than acquiescing to the status quo – that the consciousness of students must actually be raised. An avid Pan-Africanist, Prof. Emanuel’s passion for Afro-Caribbean history and culture was always evident.

He was one of almost 100 delegates of the African Union’s (AU) African Diaspora Technical Committee of Experts to gather this past February in Pretoria, South Africa. The delegates set out to create a roadmap for the African Diaspora, which includes defining the Diaspora, organizing it through regular AU Diaspora Conferences and developing a program of action.

“The University of the Virgin Islands is not the same place today as it was yesterday because Professor Gene Emanuel is no longer with us,” President Hall said. “We are saddened by his sudden death, and mourn with his family and this community, which he loved so much and served so well. He represented the cultural consciousness of the University, and we must now work even harder to carry forth his work and preserve his outstanding legacy.”

A thought-provoking instructor, it was Prof. Emanuel’s charismatic style that engaged UVI students in courses he taught, including the Freshman Development Seminar, World Literature, American Literature, Black American Literature and English courses “Perspectives on Contemporary Issues” and “Conscious Reader.”

Social Science Professor Dr. Dion Phillips and Prof. Emanuel had been colleagues since the 1980s.
“He taught a cluster of courses. Because of his classroom charisma, which emboldened him to students, his classes were always in great demand,” Dr. Phillips said.
 
Emanuel and retired UVI Humanities Professor Dr. Gilbert Sprauve annually led hikes to the Fortsberg historic site on St. John, where enslaved Africans led a rebellion against a garrison of Danish soldiers in 1733.
 
A former faculty representative to the UVI Board of Trustees, Emanuel spearheaded the Intercollegiate Debate Society at UVI and helped to create the curriculum for a Caribbean literature course at UVI. He was so beloved by UVI students that year after year he was selected to be the Commencement marshall. “He’s left indelible memories. The challenge for those who are left behind and the next generation is to carry forth that torch,” Dr. Phillips said.
 
“He was an excellent teacher and great mentor,” said UVI student Shawna Ludvig, whose Summer Session II course with Prof. Emanuel ended on July 29. “He became a friend – someone you can talk to, go to, anytime.” Ludvig, who took three Humanities courses with Prof. Emanuel, said she will remember him as someone who always emphasized the brilliance of Caribbean authors. “He always wanted people to know about Caribbean authors, whether they were on other islands or in the Virgin Islands,” she said. “I cried because I had this great mentor and now he is gone.”
 
Stanley Jacobs, the bandleader of “Stanley and the 10 Sleepless Nights,” remained Prof. Emanuel’s lifelong friend. The two grew up in the Water Gut area of Christiansted, St. Croix, graduated from Christiansted High School and attended Lincoln University in Pennsylvania together. Jacobs said Emanuel’s interest was clear from the start. “He was always interested in the cultural part of the Virgin Islands.”
 
“Prof. Emanuel was certainly one of our most beloved professors,” UVI Professor Emerita of History Marilynn Krigger said. “This is a loss for both the University and the Virgin Islands community as a whole.”

He is survived by his wife Mary and his children.

Turks & Caicos Islands Progressive National Party Leader discusses road to elected government

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Open Letter from PNP Leader Clayton Greene to Governor Gordon Wetherell

His Excellency
Gordon Wetherell
Waterloo
Grand Turk


Turks and Caicos Islands


Your Excellency,

You would have hopefully received our letter to Minister Bellingham following on from his most recent visit to the Turks and Caicos and copied to you. As we have not received an acknowledgement we write today in this open fashion because of the singular importance that we place on the milestones that must be completed so that fair and free elections can be held in the Turks and Caicos Islands and the people of these Islands can be returned to representative government which is their right.

Minister Bellingham has indicated that he continues to be confident that those elections will be held in 2012! In the passing of the new Constitution, a major milestone has been met. While we continue to condemn the systematic and unnecessary transfer of power from the true representatives of the people to the Governor that characterizes the new constitution, we are happy that the Interim Administration may now concentrate its efforts on achieving the remaining milestones.

We understand from the recent pronouncements of the Chief Financial Officer that the projected deficit for 2012-2013 is now $9M and that she is well on her way to achieving a balanced budget in 2013-2014. We believe it to now be settled that the balancing of the budget is not a precondition to elections, but merely that the Country must be on a path to a balanced budget.

The Social and economic cost of achieving this milestone is already being felt with Public Sector job cuts, to which we will return, coupled with a shrinking private sector capacity and an Interim Administration that seems intent on pursuing a program of unconscionable raising of fees and taxes without the commensurate attention being paid to the creation of jobs and opportunities that would allow us to have money in our pockets in order to pay the fees and taxes! The scant regard that has been paid to the people of Middle Caicos who lost their employment in the Works Program is but just one example of the human suffering that is caused when a Government judges its actions by its impact on the bottom line without regard to the social and human cost.

So that there might be no unnecessary delay in the return to representative Government, we ask that you turn your attention quickly to the appointment of the members of the Boundaries Commission so that the work of the Commission can begin in earnest. With the Constitution now settled, there is no reason why the Electoral Boundaries Commission might not be appointed. We are still convinced that a greater say in the makeup of the Commission should be had by the peoples’ representatives and we fully expect that your successor will accept without question the nominees of the political parties for appointment to the Commission.

We understand that some time ago and before the new Constitution was settled, instructions were given to the Supervisor of Elections to suspend the continuous updating of the roll of electors. This action is not only scandalous; it is illegal, because the Elections Ordinance had not been repealed. There is no reason why the Supervisor of Elections may not continue to take applications for registration from persons qualified to vote. We need however to know when it is that we can expect to have for consultation, a Bill that would govern elections and the representation of the people generally. There was, before the House of Assembly prior to its suspension, such a Bill, and this should form the starting point for the new legislation. That Bill contains provisions dealing with election expenses and the registration of political parties and so therefore, it is a natural place to start. There is no reason why the work of the Boundaries Commission and the preparation of the legislation may not be conducted simultaneously.

There is no magic in what is required to be done by way of legislation, and we do not see why the legislative framework could not be in place within a 12 month period, and we therefore make the declaration that elections must be held by July 2012! Nothing focuses the mind of man more than having to work to a schedule or a date certain! The Interim Administration has not been prepared to fix a date certain for elections and so we have done it for them.

Of equal concern is the fact that this Interim Administration seems hell bent on rolling back the efforts of the last Government to prepare the people of the Turks and Caicos Islands for the world of work and worth through education. We note in this connection that the practice of granting scholarships to the valedictorians of the 4 public High Schools in this country has been abandoned. This is completely and utterly discouraging and runs counter to the principle of merit based reward that must be the foundation of our developing Country.

On the further issue of scholarship and training, we note that a number of students are returning home and are not being able to find jobs! While we appreciate that this country cannot be built by Turks and Caicos Islanders alone, we are duty bound to ensure that every Turks and Caicos Islander finds meaningful work at home. A careful look at the availability of jobs must be done by the Labour Department to ensure that qualifications are not inflated and that there is a natural match between those available jobs and the requirement to perform them. It cannot be right that work permit holders are continually on jobs and Turks and Caicos Islanders are walking the streets!

We suggest that, beginning with the hotels, the Labour Department engages upon an exercise that will determine with respect to each employer and each category of employee, the ratio of Turks and Caicos Islanders to Expatriate employees and that the Labour Department will further require each employer to identify the steps that it is taking to prefer Turks and Caicos Islanders in its employment policy. The Progressive National Party is determined to keep the feet of this Administration to the fire so that there is not a further and possibly irreversible economic disenfranchisement of the Turks and Caicos Islander.

Our concerns in relation to employment or the lack thereof is compounded by the recent spate of dismissals from the Public Service. We have complained that the process of right sizing the Public Service seems to lack a broad policy direction. We repeat our advice to the Interim Administration to ensure that the Civil Service Association is fully engaged in the right sizing exercise beginning with the formulation of the policy and moving through all phases of its implementation. It is not right that a person finds out that his particular job is being made redundant days before he is required to pack his bags and clear out his desk.

We write to you knowing that you will be leaving soon but hoping that you will convey to your successor, the absolute need to hear the cries of the people and try as best he can to ease their pain and soothe their hurt. We trust that he will be respectful of the people of these islands and true to the ideals of democracy to which we all subscribe.

Yours faithfully,

PROGRESSIVE NATIONAL PARTY

Clayton Greene

The White House Report on Puerto Rico: The Perspective from the Independence Party

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Editorial

Rubén Berríos Martínez

Presidente Partido Independentista Puertorriqueño

La Casa Blanca habló con claridad: “promételes unos chavitos más y verás cómo se calman”.


Es lo que hicieron el siglo pasado cuando ante la amenaza entonces de la independencia, incrementaron la dependencia en fondos federales y disfrazaron la colonia con el nombre de ELA. Ahora ante una potencial petición de estadidad repiten la cínica estrategia de “por chavos baila el mono” y confirman su objetivo inalterable, perpetuar el territorio.

Postulan como opción válida un ELA que ellos mismos afirman es un estatus territorial, alternativa que nadie en Puerto Rico defiende oficialmente. ¡Triste espectáculo que la autorice un presidente afroamericano que pontifica sobre la libre determinación y los derechos humanos! Bajo esa teoría los esclavos debieron tener como opción válida la esclavitud.

Con un rancio paternalismo colonizador proponen recomendaciones que pueden implantarse bajo la condición territorial, y que van desde educarnos para combatir el dengue hasta enseñarnos a hacer combustible con bagazo de caña. Prometen “esfuerzos” para mayores aportaciones a sabiendas que eso es prácticamente imposible bajo la situación económica prevaleciente en EU.

Proponen como “preferencia marginal” un mecanismo plebiscitario para mediante una primera ronda excluir la independencia –un derecho inalienable- y la libre asociación, seguido de una segunda en la esperanza de que hasta los independentistas terminen votando por la colonia.

Si faltaba prueba sobre el propósito del Informe ahí está la reacción entusiasta del PPD.

Pero hoy, contrario al 1952, el territorio está en quiebra económica y social. No existe un PPD omnipotente, el colonialismo está proscrito y la represión violenta y descarnada que sufrieron los defensores de la independencia no es una opción real contra los estadistas.

A mediados del siglo pasado, los estadistas, numéricamente reducidos, cooperaron con el PPD para reconstituir el régimen colonial. Hacerlo hoy cuando controlan el gobierno los desenmascararía como colonialistas estadolibristas movidos por el supremo ideal del presupuesto. La decisión es suya.

Ante el informe se impone una respuesta digna y contundente. Quien sirve a dos amos con uno queda mal. ¿De cuándo acá tienen los puertorriqueños que obedecer sumisamente lo que se pretende imponer de Casa Blanca?

Para resolver el problema del estatus, lo he dicho mil veces, tenemos que crearle una crisis política a los Estados Unidos, como en Vieques. Para ello hay que forzar a los EU a responder a nuestra voluntad descolonizadora. Es necesario que nuestro pueblo exprese de forma contundente y abrumadora en una votación SI o NO la exigencia de que nuestro futuro estatus tiene que ser no territorial ni colonial.

No se puede permitir el pretendido absurdo del Informe de equiparar las alternativas reconocidas por el derecho internacional con una alternativa colonial. Existen múltiples mecanismos procesales para dar al traste con ese intento. Incluso algunos se incluyen en el propio informe. ¿O es que también hay que someterse a las “preferencias marginales” de Casa Blanca?

Los independentistas tenemos que estimular y promover la definición final. Todos los días se hace más evidente que la estadidad no tiene futuro por ser contraria a los intereses de EU. Más aún, el que convierte en motivo primario de su acción política el miedo a la definición final y a la estadidad, termina apoyando el territorio colonial y propiciando que la dependencia y el estadoísmo sigan creciendo. En todo caso es mejor dar la batalla hoy que mañana. Quien teme a la derrota no merece la victoria.

Desde el 1898 los EU son responsables de que padezcamos un régimen territorial. No se puede permitir que sigan esquivando su responsabilidad descolonizadora. De lo contrario nos seguirán tratando como si fuéramos un campo de refugiados, o en palabras de Matienzo Cintrón como a “weleles y pendangas de países no contiguos que no hablan inglés”.

Basta de genuflexiones. Hay que darse a respetar.

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UN seeks to sweep away last traces of imperial age

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By ANITA SNOW - Associated Press

(with OTR comments)

One was Napoleon's last place of exile. Another became home to survivors of the mutiny-stricken Bounty. They are St. Helena and the Pitcairn Islands, flecks of real estate set in vast oceans, each occupying a special place in history.

These and 14 other territories - some would call them colonies - are listed by the U.N. as relics of a vanished age when Europeans ruled large chunks of the globe. The U.N. guided many colonies to independence, and what's left of the former empires are territories, defined by the U.N. Special Committee on Decolonization as "non-self-governing," entitled in many cases to elect local officials but all under the ultimate authority of a distant capital.

The committee is one of the few forums in which colonialism's last remaining subjects can make themselves heard. Its latest annual meeting, in June, featured voices as disparate as lawmakers from Gibraltar and the Falkland Islands, a headman from a cluster of New Zealand-ruled islets, and a spokesman for a Saharan territory that has been fighting for independence for 35 years.

Some may see the U.N. committee as an anachronism, little noticed by anyone other than those who attend its meetings: two dozen ambassadors of countries with a direct interest in the decolonization process, and representatives of the territories in question.

But Ahmed Boukhari of the Polisario Front, which seeks the independence of Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara, says its existence is vital.

"Not only do we need the committee, we need to enhance it," he told The Associated Press. "For the people of the territories, it's an essential element in their struggle for self-determination."

A century ago, before the term "Third World" came into use, colonialism was the norm. The British Empire was the world's largest, covering about a quarter of Earth's land area. Next was France.

But almost everywhere, liberation movements were springing up, and after World War II, decolonization surged ahead under the newly founded United Nations. More than 80 colonies comprising about 750 million people became self-governing.

But the last traces are proving hard to erase.

The U.N. General Assembly had declared 1990-2000 to be the "International Decade for the Eradication of Colonization (sic)," and indeed, that was the decade that saw the return of British-ruled Hong Kong and Portuguese Macau to China. (Both had been removed from U.N. jurisdiction long before the U.N. International Decade - OTR)

With the job still unfinished, 2000-2010 became the Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonization (sic), its highlight being East Timor's independence from Indonesia. Now the world is into its third such decade.

It may get to delist New Caledonia, France's "special collectivity" in the southwest Pacific, following an independence referendum for the population of 250,000 expected in 2014. At this year's meeting, it heard from Victor Tutugoro of New Caledonia's Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front about the anthem, currency and motto the islands have chosen.

"If we can get two or three more on that path in the next decade, we can show that the process of decolonization can be achieved," said Saint Lucia's ambassador, Donatus Keith St. Aimee, a committee member and former chairman.

Also at the meeting was Faipule Foua Toloa, titular head of New Zealand's Tokelau islands, whose address included a prayer for guidance in his ancestors' language. The 1,400 Tokelau people fall into the no-thanks category, having voted in a 2006 referendum against breaking with the mother country.

To get off the list, a territory can win independence, be fully integrated into the colonial power as are France's Caribbean islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe, or become a sovereign state "freely associated" with a country, like the Marshall Islands and the U.S. (Other free association models also exist - OTR)

The U.S., with three territories on the list, and Britain, with 10, don't attend the annual meeting, saying the process is outdated. (It is argued that the U.S. cannot justify its contemporary colonial holdings to the world community and therefore does not participate in the U.N. review process - OTR)

The two most contentious possessions are British: Gibraltar, claimed by Spain; and the Falkland Islands, which Argentina invaded in 1982, only to be driven out by a British force that sailed 8,000 miles to recover the territory. London maintains that if the 3,000 Falklanders and 30,000 Gibraltarians want to remain part of Britain, their wishes must be respected.

Argentine President Cristina Fernandez, whose country calls the islands Las Malvinas, has denounced Britain as a "crude colonial power." But Roger Edwards, a Falklands legislator, asked the decolonization committee at this year's review to remove the islands from its list and ignore Argentina's demands.

"We do not feel that we are a downtrodden colony of an old Imperial Britain," he said. (Colonialism does not have to be 'downtrodden' to be unjustified - OTR).

Gibraltarians, perched on their rock at the tip of the Iberian Peninsula, rejected Spanish sovereignty in two referendums - one when Spain was a dictatorship, the other after it became a democracy.

Britain also claims Bermuda and the Caribbean islands of Anguilla, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, Montserrat and Turks and Caicos.

And then there are the lonely islands of St. Helena, pop. 7,600, halfway between Brazil and Africa, where the Emperor Napoleon died six years after his defeat in the Battle of Waterloo, and the Pitcairn Islands in the South Pacific, populated by about four dozen people mostly descended from mutineers on the Bounty and their Tahitian companions.

The U.S. territories still listed are the U.S. Virgin Islands in the Caribbean and Guam and American Samoa in the Pacific (as well as 'un-listed' Northern Mariana Islands and Puerto Rico - OTR). 

The annual meeting ends with a resolution bundling together most of the territories on its list with a simple acknowledgment that their case has been heard. (Rather than 'a resolution,' the meeting adopts a series of resolutions which call for specific actions to be taken by the administering powers and the U.N. system to foster self-determination and decolonisation. The resolutions are then sent to the General Assembly for adoption - OTR).

That does not satisfy St. Aimee, the ambassador whose island of St. Lucia is a former British possession that used to be on the list. He says too many disparate territories are being lumped together and not getting the attention they deserve.

On the Falklands dispute, the committee goes slightly further, urging Britain and Argentina to negotiate a solution.

And then there's a hardy perennial - Puerto Rico, which has not been on the list since it became a U.S. commonwealth in 1953, and has voted three times to keep that status. There are calls, backed by President Barack Obama, for another vote on the matter by next year.

Annually for the past 12 years Cuba has introduced a resolution asking the U.S. for a process "that would allow Puerto Ricans to fully exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence." And this year, as happens every year, the resolution was adopted, with Cuba's ambassador, Pedro Nunez-Mosquera, vowing his country would uphold Puerto Rico's rights, "remaining at its side until the final victory."  (The Special Committee on Decolonisation resolution also calls for the question of Puerto Rico to be taken up by the U.N. General Assembly - OTR).

American Samoa Congressional Delegate given human rights award for work on West Papua issue

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East Timor Action Network The West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) is pleased to announce that it is awarding the 2011 "John Rumbiak Human Rights Defenders Award" to the Honorable Eni F.H. Faleomavaega (D-AS), a member (non-voting delegate) of the U.S. House of Representatives.

Congressmember Faleomavaega has been an articulate and effective advocate for the defense of human rights in West Papua, and has long worked for a peaceful resolution of the serious problems confronting Papuans.

His extensive knowledge regarding West Papua and his manifest sincerity and good will have enabled him to draw on the respect accorded him by his Congressional colleagues and members of successive Administrations to alert them and the U.S. public more broadly to justice, good governance and development concerns in West Papua.

Congressmember Faleomavaega continues to do all he can to hold the Indonesian government accountable so that a better way forward may be found for and on behalf of the people of West Papua.

On September 22, 2010, in his capacity as the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment, Congressmember Faleomavaega convened the first hearing in the history of the U.S. Congress to include testimony from West Papua's traditional and religious leaders. The hearing, Crimes Against Humanity: When Will Indonesia's Military Be Held Accountable for Deliberate and Systematic Abuses in West Papua, also included testimony from scholars and administration officials from the U.S. Departments of State and Defense.

Driven by a sense of personal responsibility to carry forward the work of his Samoan relatives who are buried in West Papua and in honor of all those who have lived the struggle, Congressmember Faleomavaega continues to do all he can to hold the Indonesian government accountable so that a better way forward may be found for and on behalf of the people of West Papua.

Past recipients of the award include Carmel Budiardjo (UK) and TAPOL (2008); John M. Miller (U.S.) and the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) (2009), and Andreas Harsono (Indonesia) of Human Rights Watch (2010).

The award includes a plaque and a financial prize which Congressmember Faleomavaega has directed be donated to a charity selected by him. The award is named in honor of Papuan John Rumbiak, a renowned champion of human rights and founder of WPAT.

Montserrat Chief Minister explains territory's status in the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States

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The Montserrat Reporter

Chief Minister Reuben Meade has sought to set the record straight about Montserrat’s position as a member of the Organisation of the East Caribbean States (OECS) Economic Union and as a consequence in the ECCU, which latter extends from its membership of the East Caribbean Bank (ECCB).

One member of the local press corps had asked a question during the press conference which followed the ECCU ministers meeting on Friday, July 15, 2011, at the Cultural Centre. The question suggested that there were conflicting theories or beliefs on Montserrat’s position, being in or out of the Union as a member of the OECS.

The Chief Minister’s initial response: “I really don’t understand your perception of this in and out I have said it as clearly as I could that Montserrat will not be dictated to as to whether or not it will be in or out. Montserrat is in and we’re not asking anybody permission to go in,” he said.

Surmising there may be some confusion, hence the question, he added and explained. “Whereas, we may not be able to sign the treaty until we get special dispensation under the new Constitution, which comes into effect 1st of September, (2011), we have abided by every agreement within the OECS. And, you would recognize that the free movement of labour, which the OECS agree to implement by the first of August, was an initiative as part of the OECS. So, we are in the OECS, we’re part of the OECS community, we’re full members of the ECCU, and we pay our dues.”

To be emphatic about his statement, he added, “So I don’t want to hear any further discussion as to whether we’re in or out, we are in.”

But the CM showed his further annoyance at the question and spoke about what he refers to as mental slavery.

Let me answer on behalf of Montserrat again, and as I have said to you the sole aspect about mental slavery where we have to go to seombody from across the pond to ask for an explanation that your local politician is giving you because you don’t believe us we are saying and I’m going to say it very slowly Montserrat is a full member of the OECS, so whoever else wishes to tell you otherwise from wherever they come you can say to them we are full members of the OECS, we pay our dues, we attend the meetings, we make decisions and we comply with the regulations of the single market.

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Also see:  Montserrat Colonial History From Emancipation Until...

International Monetary Fund Statement at the Conclusion of the IMF Mission to Montserrat

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Press Release No. 11/284
July 18, 2011

An International Monetary Fund (IMF) mission headed by Hunter Monroe issued the following statement on Monday, July 18, 2011 at the end of its discussions in Montserrat:

“An IMF staff team visited Montserrat from July 12 to 18, 2011 to undertake the IMF’s first formal bilateral dialogue with the UK overseas territory of Montserrat, at the request of the Montserrat authorities. The team held productive discussions with the local authorities, the banking and business representatives, the opposition, and union representatives.

“Montserrat has a number of promising opportunities to enhance its growth prospects. The construction of a new capital and port, the keystone of the public investment program, would provide a focal point for public and private sector activity. The government is defining options to improve access to the island, and an investment program is underway to enrich the tourist experience taking advantage of Montserrat’s unique characteristics. The current approach for the mining of volcanic sands, the only export industry, needs improvement. It is being replaced with a sound and sustainable strategy; establishing a national consensus behind the strategy will be crucial. Lowering energy costs including through geothermal energy would transform the local economy.

“Improving the business environment will be essential to rebuilding a viable private sector. The mission noted progress in streamlining customs clearance and recommended establishing a one-stop shop for investors and joining the World Bank’s Doing Business indicators database to provide a diagnostic and benchmark for progress.

“The challenge for fiscal policy is to keep recurrent expenditure in line with recurrent revenue and to reduce dependence on external grants over time while carefully selecting public investment projects that will deliver future streams of income. The medium-term fiscal framework needs to be revised to reflect changes in economic circumstances. The mission welcome plans to improve tax administration, to simplify the tax system, and to improve the sustainability of the pension system.

“The economy’s exposure to two failed insurance companies which had been offering deposit-like products represents a significant challenge to the financial and public sectors as well as to affected individuals. The mission recommended that financial institutions with such impaired assets clean up their balance sheets and seek new capital as needed. The mission encourages the authorities to strengthen the regulation and supervision of the financial sector, including by regulating previously unsupervised institutions.

“The mission benefited from open and fruitful exchanges with representatives of the local authorities and the private sector and wishes to express its gratitude for the cooperation and kind hospitality.”


IMF EXTERNAL RELATIONS DEPARTMENT
Public Affairs Media Relations
E-mail: publicaffairs@imf.org Phone: 202-623-7100
Fax: 202-623-6278 Fax: 202-623-6772

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IMF visit reports prospects for Montserrat’s economic future

Montserrat Reporter

The IMF Article IV Consultation that Chief Minister Reuben T. Meade had announced in February while Britain’s Secretary of State Andrew was making a whirlwind visit to Montserrat began here on July 12 and lasted through the 18th. The team along with the chief minister and Governor Davis spoke to the local media on Monday evening.

The team in a statement on their findings sounded a positive outlook for Montserrat, the fact that the British Overseas territory depends on assistance of more than 50% to balance its recurrent budget.

“Montserrat has a number of promising opportunities to enhance its growth prospects,” mission chief Monroe began in his opening statement to the press. The four-man IMF team consisted of the Mission Chief, Hunter Monroe, Mico Mrkaic, and Ms. Arina Viseth from the Fund’s Western Hemisphere Department) and Fang Yang from the Finance Department.

Monroe outlined much of what government leaders who along with the Governor had been telling the people over the past few weeks in particular. He noted, “The construction of a new capital and port, the keystone of the public investment program, would provide a focal point for public and private sector activity,” while noting also, “the government is defining options to improve access to the island, and an investment program is underway to enrich the tourist experience taking advantage of Montserrat’s unique characteristics.”

He spoke of the sand-mining prospects, which he referred to as, “the only export industry,” but noted: “The current approach for the mining of volcanic sands, needs improvement.”

This will sound to many as a caution, but Monroe then cited the matter as being one that needs national consensus as he observed. “It is being replaced with a sound and sustainable strategy, he said as he noted, “establishing a national consensus behind the strategy will be crucial.”

He addressed matters relating to the fledgling, less than hesitant private sector. “Improving the business environment will be essential to rebuilding a viable private sector,” as he later noted its dependence on public sector initiatives for activity.

The mission noted what they referred to as challenging – the government’s fiscal policy, to keep recurrent expenditure in line with recurrent revenue and to reduce dependence on external grants over time. The chief suggestee, “…carefully selecting public investment projects that will deliver future streams of income,” noting, “The medium-term fiscal framework needs to be revised to reflect changes in economic circumstances.”

The mission welcomed the’ little spoken- of’ plans, to improve tax administration, to simplify the tax system, and to improve the sustainability of the pension system. They made reference to previous catastrophe of, “The economy’s exposure to two failed insurance companies, British American Insurance Co. (BAICO0 and Colonial Life Insurance Co. (CLICO).”

Mr. Monroe was asked what the difference between his mission’s visit to another country and his visit to Montserrat. He responded as follows: “The first crucial distinction is that Montserrat is an overseas territory of the UK, it is not a member of the IMF. Unlike members of the IMF it has not been participating in the annual or biannual Article IV consultations that all IMF members do. Another crucial distinction is that because Montserrat is not a member of the IMF it is not eligible to borrow from the IMF so there is no prospect of an IMF program with the IMF…”

The mission recommended that financial institutions with such impaired assets clean up their balance sheets and seek new capital as needed, while encouraging the authorities to strengthen the regulation and supervision of the financial sector, including by regulating previously unsupervised institutions, a matter that has been obtaining the attention of the East Caribbean Currency Union chiefs and the ECCB, evidenced in their recently concluded summit on the weekend.

The mission welcome plans to improve tax administration, to simplify the tax system, and to improve the sustainability of the pension system.

The mission recommended that financial institutions with such impaired assets clean up their balance sheets and seek new capital as needed. The mission encourages the authorities to strengthen the regulation and supervision of the financial sector, including by regulating previously unsupervised institutions.

Governor Davis responded to a question as to whether the mission may find that Montserrat can pose a risk to the UK with IMF, like being a little leaf on the branch economically to the UK Government. The Governor expressed his thought that this was not an appropriate question to put to the IMF, and asserted, ”the UK did not regard Montserrat as a risk.”

He pointed out the new Overseas Territories strategy that was being discussed in London talked about the OTs as being vibrant members of a broader UK family, while, the UK had clearly shown its willingness to invest in a strategic growth package which could move Montserrat nearer to economic self-sufficiency.

The Government in announcing the visit, had sought to explain the visit. In a release it noted: “Montserrat is not a member of the IMF but as an Overseas Territory of the UK is able to access its services through the United Kingdom’s membership, explaining further the benefits. “The ability to access this service and the information provided from the assessments made will, it is hoped, help the Government make better policy decisions and deliver more targeted programmes. It will also help the Government make the case to donor countries for support, especially at this point where evidence based justification is essential.”

At the press conference the Chief Minister sought further to justify the visit and explained, “Whereas we may feel we are doing certain things right, it is always useful to have an independent evaluator, to take another look to determine whether or not there are improvements which could be made. Coming out of this mission there will be recommendations in terms of what improvements – Some things which we are not doing right or some things we can do better…”

Eventually a report will be published and circulated at the wish of the relevant authorities. Hunter Monroe said that on their return to Washington, “we will prepare a staff report which will be circulated to our executive board for discussion approximately end of September , following the discussion the staff report could be published with the permission of the authorities and along with a summary of the views of our executive board on the discussions from the end of Montserrat,” he announced.

He said they had already, “laid out some of our recommendations and we’ve already had some indications that some of them are relevant and will be pursued.”

Decolonisation in Reverse - British Take new powers in Turks & Caicos 'constitution'

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Turks and Caicos Islands Sun

New constitution transfers powers from Turks and Caicos Islanders to the Brits, says PNP leader Clayton Greene


Leader of the Progressive National Party (PNP) Clayton Green says the new Constitution of the Turks and Caicos Islands, “makes the Government of the People subservient to the dictates of those in a far away land and rapes us of our worth as a people”.

In a press release issued late Thursday, Greene said:

“The reality is that the constitution that has been published today is by and large what those of us who met with the Minister in London expected to receive. That is however not the issue. The issue is that it is not a constitution that has the buy - in of the people of the Turks and Caicos Islanders because it is not a negotiated document. That is a significant indictment.”

Greene, who is the managing partner of the law firm Stanfield Greene, said the new Constitution remains a document that is “designed to transfer governance from Turks and Caicos Islanders and place it exclusively in the hands of the British Government in the person of their appointed Governor”.

He added: “There is nothing in it that is worthy of celebration because nothing in it speaks to the hopes dreams and aspirations of the Turks and Caicos Islanders. The reality is that we have come too far and accomplished too much for ourselves that we will never be satisfied with a constitution that that does not recognize our worth as a people. We aspire to be more that a “territory”.”

According to Greene, who was a former Speaker of the House of Assembly of the Turks and Caicos Islands:

“This constitution does not recognize that. It makes the Government of the People subservient to the dictates of those in a far away land and rapes us of our worth as a people. I will never be satisfied and will therefore do every thing that I can to hasten the day when we can negotiate the constitution of our choosing.”

United States Dependencies in the 21st Century

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by Carlyle G. Corbin

Dr. Corbin is an international advisor on governance and former Minister for External Affairs of the US Virgin Islands Government. He has served as United Nations advisor on political and constitutional development, and is the author of three books. He lectures extensively on the self-determination process in Caribbean and Pacific small island territories.

In recent years, varying degrees of interest have been expressed in the five United States (U.S.) territories in modernizing their present dependency political status arrangements. To this end, territories have undertaken a number of initiatives to advance toward a full measure of self-government.

In American Samoa, an extensive review of political status options was conducted by the territory’s Future Political Status Study Commission with recommendations contained in its report published in 2007. This was the territory’s third and most comprehensive analysis on political status-related issues. In 2010, the territory convened a constitutional convention which proposed more authority for the elected government. While neither initiative resulted in immediate political change, interest in political status modernization remains as expressed by the territory’s representative to the May 2011 United Nations Decolonization Seminar.

In Puerto Rico, the three main political parties which favor different political alternatives have continued efforts at bringing closure to the commonwealth’s longstanding political status dilemma referenced in the 2011 Obama Administration White House Report on Puerto Rico. The report provided much-needed clarity on the primacy of the territorial clause of the U.S. Constitution under the commonwealth status with implications on the political future of the other U.S. territories as well. The Obama Report followed on from U.S. House of Representatives passage of legislation in 2010 authorizing a political status referendum - legislation which stalled in the U.S. Senate. The present Puerto Rico government which favors political integration with the U.S. is now organizing a referendum in 2011 carefully crafted in favor of the statehood option, even as the more balanced approach of a constituent assembly is favored widely.

The other U.S. territory in the Caribbean, the U.S. Virgin Islands, proposed significant revisions to its present political arrangement with the drafting of a constitution adopted by its (fifth) constitutional convention in 2010. The proposal would expand some of the parameters of the prevailing territorial status - changes opposed by the territory’s elected governor. The U.S. Congress and the Justice Department raised certain concerns with the proposal, recommending that revision of some of its provisions in line with the existing limitations on autonomous powers of a territory. Unfortunately, the process has been stalled since 2010 due to the unavailability of territorial or U.S. financial assistance for the convention to resume its work. The broader issue of self-determination and political status evolution for the U.S. Virgin Islands – not discussed since an inconclusive 1993 referendum – would only be pursued following resolution of the dormant internal constitutional process.

Unlike the US Virgin Islands in the Caribbean, the territory of Guam has decided to re-start its self-determination process with preparations underway to implement existing legislation for a political status referendum on the options of political equality, specifically, statehood (integration), free association and independence. This comes over a decade after U.S. rejection of an autonomous commonwealth status in the early 1990s. Guam is experiencing a renewed sense of urgency to address the issue given the impending military build-up and its attendant political, socio-cultural, economic, environmental and other implications. Political evolution in Guam – as in any of the other territories - is a natural step which can be enhanced through increased public awareness of the current political status, and a thorough understanding of the fully self-governing political alternatives.

While this process continues to evolve in Guam, increased attention is being paid in its neighbor, the Northern Mariana Islands, to the impact of unilateral adjustments made through U.S. legislation to the territory’s commonwealth status. This action resulted in application of U.S. labor and immigration laws not specifically included in the original Commonwealth Covenant agreed between the territory and the United States. The territorial government challenged this action in U.S. court on the basis that such unilateral authority was inconsistent with the autonomous relationship set forth in the Covenant. However, the court ruling affirmed U.S. Congressional power to apply U.S. laws to the commonwealth by citing the primacy of the territorial clause of the U.S. Constitution in the governance of U.S. dependency arrangements. This decision served to further clarify Washington’s evolving interpretation of the limitations of the territorial/commonwealth models. Legislation to review the present status and to examine other political alternatives is currently under consideration but has not yet achieved sufficient political support for the measure to be adopted.

Amidst this mood of reassessment, legislation has also been introduced in Guam and the

Northern Marianas to determine the views of the people on possible re-unification of the two territories. This discussion could serve to stimulate increased functional collaboration such as that existing between American Samoa and independent Samoa, and between neighboring British and U.S. Virgin Islands in the Caribbean. Such cooperation between Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands may already exist, but if not, could be useful in building further confidence while various forms of re-unification are explored in depth. Overall, the modernization of the respective political status arrangements, and the examination of ways to collaborate more closely, are signs that the two territories see value in working closer together in addressing future political and economic challenges.

In the particular case of Guam, public discourse ahead of the resumption of a self-determination process has invariably led to the expression of views from a variety of perspectives on a number issues, including the relevancy of international law and its relationship to U.S. domestic law, voter eligibility, and the nature of self-government under various political options. These and other issues will, no doubt, be examined as the process of public education intensifies. Thus, the dialogue on modernization of the current political status arrangement requires careful and measured assessment to examine the implications of change, as well as the ramifications of remaining the same.

The emerging public discourse can often result in different interpretations of the political reality including the recognition of a democratic deficit in the political status arrangements of the U.S. territories and commonwealths. A few have even argued that these political arrangements, deemed so deficient, were the only achievable aspiration. Such a suggestion that the people of the territories should be content with a status of political inequality that is less than fully self-governing is rather unsettling.

Another notable interpretation in the public discourse relates to the international obligations of the United States in the self-determination process of the U.S. territories. The role of international law can be misunderstood, and is often mis-characterized. This contributes to a lack of clarity. In fact, the U.S. has clear international legal obligations under the United Nations Charter, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and other international conventions relevant to self-determination. The U.S. fully recognizes these obligations, and has never renounced them. These principles cannot be simply set aside. The decision of the Obama Administration to sign on to the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is an illustration of U.S. recognition of international principles reflecting the collective will of the nations of the world in the promotion of human rights.

These principles apply not only to Asia, the Middle East, or elsewhere. They also apply to territories which have not yet reached a full measure of self-government. It is without question that international law and principles apply to the U.S. territories, just as it does to territories under British, French or New Zealand administration. The challenge is how best to specifically apply these standards to achieve full self-government and political equality for the people of the territories. A thorough examination of the international process, with its admitted challenges and complexities, is highly useful in any public education exercise on self-determination. The participation of the people of the territories in the international process, including the U.N. Decolonization Committee, broadens perspective, and provides important insight on how these issues are addressed globally. It is a case of “the more information, the better,” as this heightens the awareness of the people about the political options available to them.

Of course, there are occasions where international principles and U.S. policy do not exactly coincide. One example lies in defining the three internationally recognized options of political equality, namely independence, free association and integration. There are no specific international definitions for these self-governing options, in the interest of flexibility. Rather, a set of minimum standards is established in determining whether a particular political status has met the test of self-governance sufficiency. Thus, the standard for political integration, or statehood in the case of the U.S. territories, must be on the basis of complete political equality. Anything short does not meet the test. Nor should it. In this case, U.S. policy is consistent with international principles, requiring the attainment of full political rights and obligations. This is reflected in the Obama Administration 2011 Report, as well as in the 2005 and 2007 Bush Administration reports on the issue.

Where there is a perceived divergence from international standards is on the option of free association. International principles regard this alternative as a stand-alone status emerging from negotiations and mutual agreement between the parties. A number of free association models have developed within this broad framework including the Federated States of Micronesia, Marshall Islands and Palau, all of which enjoy a specific form of free association with the U.S. emerging from the post-World World War II United Nations trusteeship mandate. The 2011 White House Report regards this model as a ‘type of independence.’ However, other association models evolving from a specific set of circumstances are equally as valid.

What emerged from the former U.N. trust territories may not be what would emerge from other territorial situations. Greenland with respect to Denmark, and the Cook Islands and Niue with New Zealand, are but a few examples of creative autonomous arrangements recognized under international principles as providing for a full measure of self-government. The precision of these and other such autonomous governance models has been carefully negotiated to address the unique circumstances of each former territory which has evolved from differing political and constitutional circumstances to become fully self-governing in association with a larger country. The same should apply to any future association arrangements into which U.S. territories might emerge.

In the U.S. context, the concept of political association emanated from the experience of Puerto Rico with the establishment of its commonwealth status in 1952. This was an early benchmark for autonomous governance, especially for U.S. territories. The originators of the Puerto Rico commonwealth confirmed that the status was never meant to be permanent, but that it had to continually evolve if it was to keep pace with the requirements of democracy. Accordingly, numerous proposals to enhance the commonwealth status of Puerto Rico were developed since then to address the need for continual modernization, testing the limits of autonomy possible in a commonwealth status. A review of these proposals over time has revealed that limitations of autonomy under territorial or commonwealth arrangements are subject to changing political interpretations depending on factors such as the disposition of U.S. Congressional committees or the influence of Washington lobbyists whose job it is to advance the interests of their clients who support a particular political option. This often results in the unhelpful denigration of a particular option, for the sake of promoting another.

Contemporary interpretations of the extent of autonomy which can be exercised under the commonwealth status were discussed in the three White House reports, suggesting more limited powers than what might have been originally assumed in the past. As it has turned out, autonomous powers earlier delegated to a territory are reversible because of the primacy of the territorial clause of the U.S. Constitution giving unilateral decision-making power to the U.S. Congress. This was the experience of the Northern Mariana Islands with significant effect to their economic stability. The U.S. General Accountability Office report released in June, 2011 confirms the effect of applying federal wage laws to American Samoa and the Northern Marianas.

The disposition of the Guam commonwealth proposal of the early 1990s signaled the emergence of a narrower perspective on the level of autonomy obtainable under a commonwealth arrangement. At that time, the federal executive appeared to initially concur with the delegation of certain powers to the elected government. However, the federal position stiffened during Congressional review, and the Guam commonwealth proposal stalled in Congressional committee.

Given the fundamental question of the political sustainability of the commonwealth status, the option of free association has been recognized in recent years as a logical and realistic next step which would provide for predictable autonomous governance without any surprises. This compares to the unpredictability stemming from the unilateral applicability of (U.S.) federal laws or regulations which can upset the best of economic planning. Such unilateral federal authority should only apply if full political rights and equal political power in the U.S. system are extended, i.e. through U.S. statehood. Unilateral authority without equal political power is un-balanced. Of course, statehood or other recognized political options would come with requisite financial and other responsibilities which should be examined carefully. But unlike the commonwealth status, unilateral authority does not apply under a free association arrangement where autonomous powers cannot be unilaterally reversed. It is a modernized arrangement which is the result of an agreement between the two parties.

A most recent association model has been proposed in a draft compact of association developed in 2010 by autonomist leaders in Puerto Rico who concluded that the parameters of the status quo no longer provided the tools necessary for economic sustainability in a globalized world. The proposal was formulated, therefore, as a logical step forward to modernize the existing commonwealth status which has served Puerto Rico since 1952. The proposed model of association is intended to be ‘non-colonial and non-territorial in nature’ with the division of powers between the U.S. and Puerto Rico governments fully spelled out, enforceable by agreement and without any residual federal authority. This does not mean that there is no U.S. involvement built into the proposal, but its nature and extent are determined by agreement, with dispute mechanisms available in case of differences in interpretation.

The option of free association is not limited to a ‘form of independence,’ as has been suggested. Rather, it emerged from an understanding of the value of autonomous governance and true partnership between parties. It is a natural progression from the unilateralism of territory/commonwealth status to one which provides for full self-government. This can also be attained through statehood or independence. The common thread among these three options is that of political equality. A so-called ‘fourth option’ sometimes suggested, with continued or reformed political inequality, is neither permanent, sustainable, nor desirable if complete democratic governance is what is being sought. Political equality is the guiding principle. Democratic governance requires no less.

The political status referendum being pursued in Guam is properly based on what the White House and the United Nations recognize as the three permanent options which provide for full political equality, and which do not contain a residual unilateral power to negate the essence of what might have been earlier agreed. In practical terms, the substantive issues between U.S. territories and the federal government, including the ever important geo-strategic considerations, can be better accommodated through mutual agreements under an autonomous association, through political integration (statehood) where there is equal political power in the U.S. system, or through independence by way of international treaty. These are the 21st century solutions to the dependency dilemma.

Territories may reach this determination at different times in their political and constitutional evolution. But if they remain in the status quo – even a reformed version - it should be understood that they have not achieved full self-government which comes by way of a permanent option. Sustained public education on these issues, in the fullest of dimensions, will enhance the chances that the people of the U.S. territories will make an informed decision on a political future based on equal rights, justice and true democracy. The people of the territories deserve – and should expect – no less.

Statians appeal to UNESCO to prevent oil terminal expansion

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Daily Herald

Statians appeal to UNESCO,  Petition launched Monday

ST. EUSTATIUS--St. Eustatius Awareness and Development (SEAD) Movement, Statia Roots Foundation (SRF) and historian and Head of Monuments Walter Hellebrand launched an appeal Sunday with United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) in a bid to prevent the expansion of the NuStar terminal.

SEAD further launched a petition Monday against the projected construction of a second oil terminal in The Farm, while SEAD and SRF sent an open letter to the Executive Council on Sunday, in which they expressed their concerns about the "consequences and effects" of the expansion plans.

NuStar, which currently has 58 oil storage tanks on Statia with a capacity of more than 13 million barrels, wants to establish a new facility on the island with an additional 40 tanks and another jetty.

The petitioners believe that, considering the small scope of the 21-square-kilometre island, the expansion is out of proportion, while there are also concerns about safety, pollution and damage to coral reefs and marine life.

However, according to petitioners, the main point of concern is the location of the planned expansion, which they claim is a very valuable historical site with several slave cemeteries and other historical remains.

"The cemeteries are an essential part of the historical heritage of the people of St. Eustatius (as African descendants) and are of extreme value for the whole Caribbean region. They cannot be destroyed by bulldozers and replaced by oil tanks," they wrote in the letter sent to the UNESCO World Heritage Committee.

SEAD representative Kenneth Cuvalay, SRF President Paul W. Spanner and Hellebrand claim to represent a "group of concerned citizens [...] fighting against a multi-billion-dollar multinational." They fear that the local government, with its limited resources, would not be an equal partner in the discussions with NuStar.

According to the letter's three authors, the island government would be open to the expansion, because of the supposed extra tax income and the creation of new jobs.They are requesting UNESCO's aid in legal advice and counselling and are also seeking UNESCO's help in reaching out to the international community to prevent the expansion and to write a letter of concern to the island government.

In Sunday's letter to the Island Council, which was signed by SRF President Spanner and Secretary G. Berkel, as well as by Cuvalay, it was stated that a second oil terminal south of Signal Hill, in full view of most of the used part of the island, with a jetty for four mega-tankers right at the end of the beach of Lower Town, would seriously hamper any future development of tourism as a second economic pillar of the island.

SEAD is calling on Statians to sign a petition, which was launched Monday, expressing disapproval of NuStar building an oil terminal in The Farm and approval of NuStar seeking expansion of its oil terminal at the current location.