03 March 2011

UN Human Rights Rapporteur Reports on Mission to Kanaky (New Caledonia)

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Statement by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, James Anaya, upon concluding his visit to New Caledonia– 4 to 13 February 2011
Noumea, 13 February 2011

In my capacity as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples, I have conducted a visit to New Caledonia from 4 to 13 February 2011. My visit offered me a unique opportunity to witness conditions relevant to my mandate and to consult with a wide range of stakeholders. I would like to thank the authorities of the Republic of France for their cooperation. I am also grateful to the Customary Senate for the assistance it has provided to me in the preparation and conduct of my visit.

The objective of my visit has been to hold consultations and receive information in order to examine the human rights situation of the indigenous people of the country – the Kanak people –while recognizing fully the history of New Caledonia. I have sought to understand the approaches that the Government of France as well as the Government of New Caledonia and the Kanak people have chosen in their efforts to progressively achieve a harmonious and productive coexistence among all sectors of the country's population, through implementation of the Noumea Accord of 1998.

I have had the opportunity to consult with the High Commissioner and other French officials, the President and ministers of the Government of New Caledonia, officials of the three Provinces, the members of the Customary Senate, and other customary authorities. I also wish to thank the representatives of numerous Kanak and non-governmental organizations, including trade unions and women, youth and environmental organizations that have provided information to me.

In addition to my meetings in Noumea, I traveled to the three provinces of the country. I visited authorities and members of indigenous communities in Kone, Thio, Saramea, Lifou and Ouvea. I also visited the detention centre in Noumea. I am grateful for the warm hospitality with which I have been received by Kanak customary authorities and their communities and by government authorities.

I am encouraged to learn of a consensus among stakeholders around the Noumea Accord, which provides a framework to transfer powers from France to New Caledonia institutions and allows for the possibility of full independence. I especially welcome the provisions of the Noumea Accord that promote the culture and customary institutions of the Kanak people as an integral part of social and political fabric of the country, as well as the provisions that provide a foundation for the many initiatives being taken to address the conditions of disadvantage that Kanak people face in all spheres of life. I note that the Noumea Accord can and should be interpreted in a manner fully consistent with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Declaration complements the United Nations policy on decolonization.

During my visit I have learned of numerous steps to implement the Noumea Accord and related positive developments, but I have also learned of many challenges that remain. I have heard from Kanak authorities and members of indigenous communities repeated expressions of frustration about ongoing patterns of discrimination, limitations on the exercise of their customary rights, poor social and economic conditions, and lack of adequate participation in decisions affecting them in many respects.

In coming weeks I will evaluate the information I have gathered and meet with French authorities in Paris to further discuss the human rights situation of the Kanak people. Subsequently I will be developing a report with recommendations, and that report will be submitted to the United Nations Human Rights Council and made public. My expectation is that the report will contribute to further constructive dialogue with the governments of France and New Caledonia and with representatives of the Kanak people.

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Déclaration à l'issue de visite en Nouvelle-Calédonie-4 à 13 Février 2011  13 February 2011

Déclaration du Rapporteur spécial des Nations Unies  sur les droits des peuples autochtones, James Anaya, à l'issue de sa visite en Nouvelle-Calédonie-4 à 13 Février 2011
Nouméa, le 13 Février 2011

En ma qualité de Rapporteur Spécial des Nations Unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones, j'ai effectué une visite en Nouvelle-Calédonie du 4 au 13 Février 2011. Cette visite m'a offert une occasion unique de me rendre compte des réalités relevant de mon mandat et de consulter un large éventail de parties prenantes. Je tiens à remercier les autorités de la République de la France pour leur coopération. Je suis également reconnaissant au Sénat coutumier pour l'assistance fournie dans la préparation et le déroulement de ma visite.

L'objectif de ma visite a été de tenir des consultations et de recevoir des informations en vue d'examiner la situation des droits de l'homme des peuples autochtones du pays - le peuple Kanak- tout en tenant pleinement compte de l'histoire de la Nouvelle-Calédonie. J'ai cherché à comprendre les démarches retenues par le gouvernement de la France, le Gouvernement de la Nouvelle-Calédonie et le peuple kanak dans leur effort visant à parvenir progressivement à une coexistence harmonieuse et fructueuse entre toutes les composantes de la population du pays à travers la mise en œuvre de l'Accord de Nouméa de 1998.

J'ai eu l'occasion de m'entretenir avec le Haut Commissaire et d'autres responsables de l'Etat français, le Président et les ministres du gouvernement de la Nouvelle-Calédonie, les représentants des trois Provinces, les membres du Sénat coutumier, et d'autres autorités coutumières. Je tiens également à remercier les représentants de nombreuses organisations Kanaks et non-gouvernementales, y compris les syndicales et les organisations de femmes, de jeunes et les organisations environnementales qui m'ont fourni des informations.

En plus de mes rencontres à Nouméa, je me suis rendu dans les trois provinces du pays. J'ai rendu visite aux autorités et aux membres des communautés autochtones à Kone, Thio, Saramea, Lifou et Ouvéa. J'ai également visité le centre de détention à Nouméa. Je suis reconnaissant pour la chaleureuse hospitalité avec laquelle j'ai été reçu par les autorités coutumières kanak, leurs communautés et les autorités gouvernementales.

Je suis encouragé d'apprendre de la part des intervenants qu'il y aurait un consensus autour de l'Accord de Nouméa, prévoyant un cadre pour le transfert des compétences de la France aux institutions de la Nouvelle-Calédonie et qui permettrait à l'avenir la possibilité d'une indépendance totale. Je salue en particulier les dispositions de l'Accord de Nouméa qui promeuvent la culture et les institutions coutumières du peuple kanak en tant que partie intégrante du tissu social et politique du pays, ainsi que les dispositions mettant en place une fondation pour les nombreuses initiatives entreprises afin de traiter les conditions désavantageuses auxquelles est confronté le peuple Kanak dans tous les domaines de la vie. Je note que l'Accord de Nouméa peut et doit être interprété en pleine conformité à la Déclaration de l'Organisation des Nations Unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones. Cette dernière va de pair avec la politique des Nations Unies sur la décolonisation.

Lors de ma visite, j'ai pris connaissance de nombreuses mesures visant à mettre en oeuvre l'Accord de Nouméa et autres évolutions positives afférentes. Néanmoins, j'ai aussi pris connaissance de nombreux défis qui subsistent. Les autorités kanaks et les membres des communautés autochtones m'ont fait part de manière réitérée de leurs frustrations quant à la perpétuation de tendances à la discrimination à leur encontre, aux restrictions à l'exercice des droits coutumiers, aux mauvaises conditions sociales et économiques et à l'absence de participation adéquate aux processus décisionnels les concernant à de nombreux égards.

Dans les semaines à venir; je vais évaluer les informations recueillies, rencontrer les autorités françaises à Paris afin de discuter plus avant de la situation des droits de l'homme du peuple Kanak. Ensuite, je rédigerai un rapport assorti de recommandations. Ce rapport sera rendu public et soumis au Conseil des Droits de l'Homme de l'Organisation des Nations Unies Conseil. Mon attente est que ce rapport contribue à la poursuite du dialogue constructif entre les gouvernements de la France, de la Nouvelle-Calédonie et les représentants du peuple Kanak.

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Interview with ABC News Australia

In New Caledonia, the question of indigenous rights never seems to be too far from the headlines. In recent weeks, the goverment of Phillipe Gomes has fallen in a dispute over role of the Kanak flag, and results from the 2009 census have revealed that those people who identify themselves as Kanak earn less, are worse educated, and have a shorter life expectancy.

Also on the horizon is the culmination of the Noumea Accords, which promise a referendum on independence sometime between... and twenty-nineteen. Against this background, the United Nations recently sent its Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, James Anaya, to New Caledonia to investigate the state of Kanak affairs. So does he believe Kanaks run the risk of losing their identity?

Presenter: Geraldine Coutts
Speaker: James Anaya, UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

ANAYA: I wouldn't say they're concerned about losing their identity in a real fundamental sense. They have a very strong sense of identity. I was very impressed by that, just in an outward sense, what you see on the surface, the very rich manifestations of their cultures, but beyond that it seems that their sense of identify and the integrity of the culture go quite deep, and they do certainly, and this is expressed to me and I think is well known to the French authorities and is something that has been documented in a number of reports, they do feel that that identity is and has been under threat.

They have experienced what indigenous peoples around the world are experiencing as a result of historical patterns of colonisation and that is a direct assault on their identity, their way of life, the ways of life that are connected with territories, particular land areas, particular customs connected to those land areas, customary institutions that have governed their communities for centuries. These things have been under assault for sometime and that has been the experience like I said of indigenous peoples around the world. And so they're looking to resist or at least overcome those threats and there have been changes put in place and part of those are connected with the Noumea accord. The Noumea accords does provide what they describe as a road map, a framework for moving forward.

What the Noumea accord does though is leave open a number of questions that you've pointed out and what will happen in 2014, the Noumea accords doesn't resolve that, but it provides for various possibilities, among those is a possibility of an independent New Caledonia and possibly this continued association in some way with France. But whatever possibility is arrived at, what the Noumea accords points to is the need to secure Kanak identity and their place as a distinct peoples within whatever framework is ultimately arrived at for New Caledonia.

COUTTS: And at the core of this is the ability to co-exist. Are the Kanak leaders worried that the symbols of that, the national anthem and flags of the two nations flying side by side is causing this much trouble, is it co-existence that they're also worried about?

ANAYA: I think they have an expectation of co-existence and they feel that that has been agreed upon and if one looks at the Noumea accords, one sees that is a feature of it, that there will be a co-existence and they have agreed that the non-indigenous or the people that migrated there since French presence have legitimate places in New Caledonia, at least those that have some roots there, a generation of so and so they are not taking the position, at least the ones I heard from, which I think represent the overwhelming majority. They've taken the position that only they have a place and they are talking about co-existence and Noumea accords does reflect that spirit of co-existence in a very pronounced way.

Now, of course, there are things to work out and that's where you have ongoing questions about things, such as the flag, such the symbols of that co-existence, as they are called in the Noumea accords themselves. And there seems to be as to the flag an ongoing, well certainly there is an ongoing debate about that, but within that debate there is gravitations toward as far as I can tell toward recognition of some place for a flag that represents something other than the French republic or the French identity and the question is what is or will be that other flag and that's the debate ongoing right now.

COUTTS: Well, you spoke to a lot of people presumably, in the recent visit to New Caledonia. We just touched on the surface there that the surface and symbols of co-existence seem to be challenged. Do the people that you spoke to think?

ANAYA: Let me just clarify what symbols of co-existence will be are still up for debate, but there is a consensus that I heard from all sides that I spoke to that those symbols will be of co-existence and not of dominance of one over the other.

S. James Anaya  is a Regents Professor and the James J. Lenoir Professor of Human Rights Law and Policy at the University of Arizona (United States). He was appointed as Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in March 2008 by the Human Rights Council. The mandate was created in 2001 by the then Commission on Human Rights, and was renewed most recently in 2010 by the Human Rights Council for a three-year period.




Decolonization and the open-ocean large canoe (Sakman)

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by Michael Bevacqua
Marianas Variety

"Decolonization is a process of choosing what we want from the past and crafting our own future."

Last year the group TASI or Traditions About Seafaring Islands organized a Sakman Summit; an event where experts on Chamorro culture, language, history and Micronesian traditional navigation gathered together to discuss various aspects about the recreation of the Chamorro sakman, or open-ocean large canoe.

Central to the gathering was developing a standardized vocabulary for all of the terms which you would need for navigation in Chamorro, such as parts of the canoe, tools, sea-birds, names for the different parts of the day, etc. I got to attend part of the summit and it was very inspiring to behold.

I've written before in this column and on my blog No Rest for the Awake – Minagahet Chamorro, about how critical in today's Guam the work of TASI is. They are decolonizing, and they are doing it in a way which provides important lessons to us all. They are not trying to return to a previous era, but rather showing us how it is entirely possible that things which were lost long ago, such as the seafaring skills and technology of Chamorros can and should have a place in today's world.

A common mistake which people make when thinking about decolonization is that it is a time travel adventure and in order to take something from the past which was lost or mutilated by colonialism, you must take everything and replace the present with it. In this sense, if you want to decolonize and bring to life something such as the sakman, which was long ago prohibited by the Spanish, then you must also start walking around naked, give up electricity and not use anything which has come to Guam since colonization. This idea is obviously ridiculous, but it is something you hear all the time, sometimes spoken with great conviction.

Several years back, I wrote an entire masters thesis hoping to answer why Chamorros would believe in such a silly and self-limiting notion of decolonization. In my research I related this interpretation of decolonization as being connected to a fear of not having the US at the center of Chamorro life, and how the world can seem ready to fall apart if that centrality appears to be threatened. So Chamorros create irrational fantasies and fears meant to ward off and prevent any possible discussion of decolonization or changing things in ways which might challenge the idea that America and its dominance makes Guam exist and could not exist otherwise.

But what TASI shows us is that decolonization is a process of choosing what we want from the past and crafting our own future. It means ignoring the empty but domineering logic which states that what is lost is lost, past is past and that indigenous peoples should simply look forward and accept the rule of those who claim their lands and not search for the sovereignty they once enjoyed.

TASI is built around the idea that something beautiful and important from the past should be revived. Even if it was once thought lost, it should not remain solely in books and in rhetoric alone, but should be brought to life and become part of who we are today.

02 March 2011

Congressman Gutierrez defends right of Puerto Rican people to free speech




REMARKS BY REP. LUIS V. GUTIERREZ
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
MARCH 2, 2011

Two weeks ago I spoke about a serious problem in Puerto Rico.
The problem is a systemic effort by the ruling party to deny the right of the people to speak freely, to criticize their government openly, and to make their voices heard.
I talked about student protests that had been met with violent resistance by Puerto Rican police. I talked about closed meetings of the legislature, and about efforts to silence the local Bar Association.

I was not the first to speak about it. And I could have said much more.

The report, "Human Rights Crisis in Puerto Rico: First Amendment Under Siege" is searing.

It details the complaints of students, legislators, the press, and the general public who were beaten and pepper sprayed by police.
Female students who were treated with gross disrespect by the police.

The government's overreaction to demonstrations at the University and at the Capitol over the budget cuts and layoffs…

This is the Capitol building. This is how the police dealt with protesters.

The images of police tactics and behavior explain why the Department of Justice is investigating the Puerto Rican police for “excessive force" and "unconstitutional searches.”

How could you see these images and not speak out?
And I was hardly the first to speak out about these matters and will not be the last…

As a member of Congress, it is more than my right – it is my obligation – to speak out when fundamental freedoms are attacked.
And what was the response to my speech defending the right of the Puerto Rican people to be heard?

It was to challenge my right to be heard.
The resident commissioner of Puerto Rico said that only he is authorized to speak about Puerto Rico in this body.

This week the Puerto Rico legislature debated a resolution of censure – yes, censure -- condemning me for speaking out against these abuses.

A leading member of the ruling party even said, 'Gutierrez was not born in Puerto Rico. His kids weren’t born in Puerto Rico. Gutierrez doesn't plan on being buried in Puerto Rico…So Gutierrez doesn't have the right to speak about Puerto Rico…'

Let me tell you something…

If you see injustice anywhere, it is not only your right but your duty to speak out about it.

We don't speak out against injustice, or Apartheid, or human rights abuses, or the denial of rights to women in places around the world because we ourselves were born there.

That's silly.

Where we see injustice we speak out because it is the right thing to do.

Ironically, by questioning my right to speak out on behalf of free speech, they have made my point crystal clear. By challenging my free speech, they have amplified the words of my five minute speech more than if I had spoken for five hours.

And it is their right. My critics have the right of free-speech even as they deny that same right to others.

And I want them to understand this:

Your efforts to silence me – just like your efforts to silence so many people in Puerto Rico who disagree with you -- will fail, just as every effort to blockade progress only makes the march toward justice more powerful and swift.

I may not be Puerto Rican enough for some people, but I know this: nowhere on earth will you find a people harder to silence than Puerto Ricans.

You won’t locate my love for Puerto Rico on my birth certificate or a driver’s license, my children's birth certificate or any other piece of paper.

My love for Puerto Rico is right here – in my heart -- a heart that beats with our history and our language and our heroes.

A place where -- when I moved there as a teenager -- people talked and argued and debated because we care deeply about our island and our future.

That’s still true today – and that freedom is still beating in the hearts of university students, working men and women, labor leaders, lawyers, and environmentalists and every person who believes in free speech.

You will not silence them, and you will not silence me.
Abraham Lincoln, a leader who valued freedom above all else, said:
“Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves.”
It’s good advice, and I hope Puerto Rican leaders take it.

I request unanimous consent that the ACLU of Puerto Rico report, "Human Rights Crisis in Puerto Rico: First Amendment Under Siege" be entered into the record.

I further request unanimous consent that a statement by the President of the Service Employees International Union be entered into the record and that the essay, "Exposing the Shadows of Civil Rights in Puerto Rico" by the National Puerto Rican Coalition, also be entered into the record.

Sint Maarten PM Signs OCT Position Paper

Prime Minister Wescot signs Joint Position Paper at OCTA Ministerial Conference in South Pacific



GREAT BAY, Sint Maarten (DCOMM) – Honorable Prime Minister Sarah Wescot-Williams, on Monday signed the Joint Position Paper (JPP) on the first day (Monday) at the Overseas Countries and Territories Association (OCTA) Ministerial Conference and the OCT-European Union (EU) Forum on the South Pacific island of New Caledonia.

The Sint Maarten delegation arrived in New Caledonia on Sunday. The JPP entitled, “The Future of the Relations between OCTs and EU,” signing was the first official act of the prime minister at the conference.

Sint Maarten’s approval of the proposals put forward in the JPP is of the opinion that they provide an effective basis for a more current and relevant Association Decision, post 2013.

Sint Maarten hopes the provisions in the paper will be given serious consideration by the European Commission and further developed within a cooperation framework that will be mutually beneficial to all parties concerned.

The Ministerial Conference is the highest political body of OCTA which meets on an annual basis to discuss and agree on policy matters concerning the Association.

The discussions at the meetings are primarily centered on a new EU-OCT cooperation structure. The existing Overseas Association Decision (OAD) or the OCT Decision will expire in 2013.

The OAD is primarily a trade regime which gives the OCTs free market access to the EU. The intention of the decision is also to help create economic and social prosperity in the territories.

The trip is being funded by the EU and is being coordinated by the Department of Interior and Kingdom Relations (BAK) that falls under the Ministry of General Affairs.

New Caledonia is a French OCT which is located in the Southwest Pacific Ocean approximately 751 miles East of Australia and 930 miles Northwest of New Zealand.


Prime Minister Wescot using OCTA Ministerial Conference to build networks for Sint Maarten



GREAT BAY, Sint Maarten (DCOMM) – Honorable Prime Minister Sarah Wescot-Williams, is using the Overseas Countries and Territories Association (OCTA) Ministerial Conference and the OCT-European Union (EU) Forum currently taking place on the South Pacific island of New Caledonia, to build networks with other OCTs. Sint Maarten is also using the opportunity to highlight challenges as well as opportunities as a new member within the OCT group.

The Sint Maarten delegation under the leadership of Hon. Prime Minister Sarah Wescot-Williams also supports proposals for OCTs to gain greater accessibility to EU funding programs.

On Tuesday morning conference delegates were welcomed to the opening of the OCT-European Union (EU) Forum which was officiate by Member of the French Government in charge of the Overseas Territories Minister Marie-Luce Penchard, President of the Government of New Caledonia Philippe Gomes and Commissioner Andris Piebalgs.

There was also a session on “Future OCT-EU Relations,” which entailed the presentation of the Joint Position Paper and of the political resolutions adopted by OCTA as well as statements by Heads of the delegations of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Other statements were made by Member of the European Parliament Maurice Ponga, President of the Regional Council of Martinique on behalf of the Conference of Presidents of Outermost Regions Serge Letchimy (video message) and a statement by Commissioner Andris Piebalgs.

The Ministerial Conference is the highest political body of OCTA which meets on an annual basis to discuss and agree on policy matters concerning the Association. The trip is being funded by the EU and is being coordinated by the Department of Interior and Kingdom Relations (BAK) that falls under the Ministry of General Affairs.

27 February 2011

"Colonial situations are completely outdated" - U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon

Secretary-General
SG/SM/13412 
GA/COL/3216

Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York

"Completing decolonization will require concerted efforts on the part of of all concerned."
Following are UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s remarks at the opening of the 2011 session of the Special Committee on Decolonization, in New York, 24 February:

I am pleased to join the Special Committee as it begins its work for 2011.

This year marks the beginning of the Third International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism.  Let us focus our attention on accomplishing concrete results with the involvement of all concerned:  the Special Committee, the administering Powers and the Non-Self-Governing Territories.

Last December, we commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted by the General Assembly.  On that occasion, I appealed to the international community to realize the full spirit of the Declaration, which called for “the immediate and complete elimination of the colonial system in all its forms and manifestations”, in keeping with the principles of the United Nations Charter.  The Special Committee has a crucial role to play as the intergovernmental body exclusively devoted to advancing the United Nations decolonization agenda.

Today, 16 Non-Self-Governing Territories remain on the list, awaiting constructive, results-oriented initiatives.  On a case-by-case basis, those Territories have to be given the opportunity to exercise their right to self-determination in order to take the interests of their peoples fully into account.  Colonial situations are completely outdated and must be addressed with renewed vigour and creativity.

Last year, in my report to the General Assembly on the “Second International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism”, I recalled that the Assembly had requested the Special Committee to continue to seek suitable means for the immediate and full implementation of the Decolonization Declaration.  In practice, this would mean that the Committee could assess its past work and achievements in order to chart a way forward, together with the administering Powers, for the ultimate benefit of the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories.

Your current work on devising a plan of action for the Third International Decade, and the forthcoming 2011 Caribbean Seminar on Decolonization, might prove instrumental in that regard.  It is my hope that difficulties encountered in the recent past will gradually be overcome, thereby strengthening the Committee’s determination to develop effective formal and informal modalities that would help it accomplish its mandate.

The completion of the process of decolonization will require the concerted efforts of all concerned:  first and foremost, the Special Committee, the administering Powers, and the peoples in the Non-Self-Governing Territories.  Dialogue aimed at improving cooperation between the Special Committee and the administering Powers continues to be of utmost importance.

The Secretariat will spare no effort to assist the Committee in its work.  But this can be no substitute for the choices, decisions and actions expected of the Special Committee.

I wish you every success in your important endeavour.
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Electing New Chair in Unprecedented Secret Ballot, U.N. Decolonisation Committee Members also Approve Timetable, Organization of Work


Addressing the first meeting of the 2011 substantive session of the Special Committee on Decolonization, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon called today for “concrete results” in the quest for self-determination by the world’s 16 remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories.


Those results could only be achieved through the concerted efforts of all stakeholders, including the Special Committee, the administering Powers and the peoples of the Territories, he said.  “On a case-by-case basis, those Territories have to be given the opportunity to exercise their right to self-determination,” Mr. Ban added, emphasizing that dialogue aimed at improving cooperation between the Special Committee and the administering Powers continued to be “of utmost importance”.


In an unprecedented action this morning, the Special Committee (on Decolonisation) held a secret ballot to elect a new Chair.  Out of 25 recorded votes, Francisco Carrion-Mena ( Ecuador) received 15 to become the new Chair, replacing Donatus Keith St. Aimee ( Saint Lucia), who won 10 votes.


The Special Committee also elected, by acclamation, the following Bureau members:  Pedro Núñez Mosquera (Cuba) and Rupert Davies (Sierra Leone), Vice-Chairs; and Bashar Ja’afari (Syria), Rapporteur.


Speaking after the elections, Mr. Carrion-Mena called for “reinvigorated multilateralism” in global decolonization efforts.  “Decolonization is a tough challenge, but not one that should be impossible,” he said, noting that the United Nations membership had swelled by 93 Member States in the last 50 years.  Pledging to push for the decolonization of the remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories, he described his election as a positive testament to the “liveliness” of the Special Committee and its search for a higher profile.


Delegations then took the floor in support of the Special Committee’s work, with Cuba’s representative emphasizing that Puerto Rico, which was not on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories, also needed the Special Committee’s support.


Papua New Guinea’s representative said it was through the Special Committee that many nations had been born, something of which all its members could be proud.  However, the administering Powers could and should be more proactive in helping the Territories under their jurisdiction realize their rights, he added.


Syria’s representative, speaking in his national capacity, congratulated the new Chair, saying his election “breathed new life” into the Special Committee’s efforts.  Despite its good work in recent years, however, it was shameful that there was still a need to liberate non-self-governing peoples, he said, appealing for an end to that chapter of history.


The Special Committee also heard brief statements by representatives of India, Indonesia, Congo and Saint Lucia.


In other business, the Special Committee approved, by consensus as orally amended, resolutions and decisions relevant to its work, as contained in a note by the Secretary-General (document A/AC.109/2011/L.1); and the organization of its work, programme of work and timetable (document A/AC.109/2011/L.2).


It also invited the delegations of Argentina, Spain and Tajikistan to participate in its deliberations as observers.


The Special Committee, also known informally as the Committee of 24, is the focal point for the implementation of the Decolonization Declaration.  Its current 29 members are:  Antigua and Barbuda; Bolivia; Chile; China; Congo; Côte d’Ivoire; Cuba; Dominica; Ecuador; Ethiopia; Fiji; Grenada; India; Indonesia; Iran; Iraq; Mali; Nicaragua; Papua New Guinea; Russian Federation; Saint Kitts and Nevis; Saint Lucia; Saint Vincent and the Grenadines; Sierra Leone; Syria; Timor-Leste; Tunisia; United Republic of Tanzania; and Venezuela.


Remaining on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories are Western Sahara, Anguilla, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Falkland Islands (Malvinas), Montserrat, St. Helena, Turks and Caicos, United States Virgin Islands, Gibraltar, American Samoa, Guam, New Caledonia, Pitcairn and Tokelau.

The Special Committee will reconvene at a date and time to be announced.

25 February 2011

External Experts Endorse Anguilla 2011 Budget

No Lay-Offs, No Salary Cuts Announced


The Anguillan


The two independent financial experts, John Wiggins and Ved Gandhi, recruited by the British Government to review Anguilla’s 2011 budget with local technocrats, have completed their work on a positive note. They reported to the Government and people of the island at the Rodney McArthur Rey Auditorium on Monday evening, February 21.


Mr. John Wiggins discussing 2011 budget at Forum
Mr. John Wiggins discussing 2011 budget at Forum
They recognised, in the words of Mr. Wiggins, that the Anguilla Government, and its technocrats, had “pursued a very careful and rigorous constrained policy in expenditure” in the budget, suggested some ways of improving taxes, and declared that “the budget stands.” “You’ve got to maintain discipline, but the way that the fiscal picture looks now, and if you do the things we are suggesting, we think you can deliver on the commitment made to the British Government that you would come back to overall budget balance in 2013,” Wiggins said.

The 2011 budget was calculated by the Anguilla Government officials at just over 177 million in revenue and over 188 million in expenditure. “The budget, as presented, included three new taxes,” Wiggins commented, in looking at the revenue measures. "[There was] a 7% tax on telecommunications which was actually implemented from November; an additional tax on petroleum portrayed in the budget as a 7% levy at the pumps; and the 6% Stabilisation Levy…We looked at all the forecasts for all the elements of revenue and we conclude that ..., the taxes that were enforced up to 2010 and the modest increase in the 2011, were pretty reasonable. But this required an extra 21 million from the new taxes and you were a bit behind the game [of collecting] and the position was not as straightforward as it initially looked.

“We also have to bear in mind that Anguilla actually is a very small administration; that the number of people around to administer taxes is very small, and a new tax on petroleum at the pumps is quite complicated. It soon became clear that there isn’t really an administrative apparatus here ready to collect it so we need to re-think that. When we looked at the revenue from the Stabilisation Levy, we realised that we were going to be some significant amount short from what was originally envisaged, so we had to look at ways of making up that shortfall.

Applause from audience
Applause from audience
“On petroleum, it is fairly clear that the easiest way to collect that tax is at the port. All the petroleum you are using comes in through the port and there is a duty of two dollars, at the moment, on gasoline and forty cents on diesel. If you want revenue from petroleum, we think the simplest thing to do is just to put up the duty rate from two to four dollars. That would not be any conciliation to you but, even at four dollars, it would still be less than what most of the other islands around here are paying. And because electricity is already subject to the Environment Levy, it wouldn’t be sensible to put two dollars on each gallon of diesel. So the proposal is only to put ten cents on that, bringing it up from forty cents to fifty cents. We think that should give you five or six million dollars.”

On the Stabilisation Levy, requiring employees and employers to pay three percent of salaries, he explained that there would still be a small shortfall of the target of 177 million dollars in revenue.

Mr. Wiggins said he and his colleague recommended that one of the ways in which the shortfall could be met, was by increasing the current customs surcharge from three to six percent. “Those are our proposals on the revenue side which would generate the revenue that the British Foreign Office was questioning whether you would actually get,” he stated.

“On the expenditure side, and I wonder whether there won’t some unrealistic expectations in London that people here would magically be able to find reductions in public expenditure which could be easily implemented and cause no trouble. It doesn’t seem to be, that it is like that, and you already adopted a very severe discipline in public expenditure. And so, personally, I would not be looking for further arbitrary reductions, but I do think that the Government here needs to get a better grip on its budgetary plans.”

Mr. Wiggins made no mention in the report on any reductions in the number of civil servants or cuts in salaries. This was a fear expressed by civil servants and a claim made by the Anguilla Government that the British Government wanted the civil service to be reduced by 300 members.

Another section of the audience
Another section of the audience
Rather than speaking about reductions of employees, or cuts in pay, Mr. Wiggins said the Government should budgetary plan the development of public services over a period of two to three years ahead. He supported the work of the Department of Public Administration to find a better way to manage civil servants. “Look at their performance. Try to see that people with the right capabilities are placed in the right jobs and get people to be accountable for their performance each year,” he said.

“There is a scheme, which is being developed, and which would require people, from the beginning of next year, to be accountable for their performances instead of, as people tell me, some civil servants say ‘now that we passed our probation, we don’t have to make any further efforts and the Government can be relied on to pay us.' You can’t afford that attitude.”

Mr. Wiggins noted that Chief Minister, Hubert Hughes, had asked him whether he could do a general review of the public service. “This is something which can only be done if you look carefully at the tasks, organisation and staffing, of each of the 35 departments that are in your budget, and that can only be done over a period of time,” he pointed out.

The other expert, Ved Gandhi, who mainly answered questions about revenue matters, said their work was geared towards ensuring that the 2011 budget, approved in the House of Assembly, “can withstand the pressures from all kinds of partners.”

He added: “I can say, now, with a great deal of confidence that this budget stands.”

Earlier, Chief Minister Hughes was grateful to the two experts for their assistance. He joined Jerome Roberts, who chaired the proceedings, in commending all the Anguillian technical officers in the Ministry of Finance for their hard work which the experts found to have been well done.

Mr. Hughes went on: “The exercise, now, could very well have taken place with the budget being signed because we would have been able to collect the taxes that we have implemented…Because we were not able to collect those monies, because our budget was not approved, we lost significant revenue.”

The question and answer period which followed, took the meeting to its conclusion to about 9.15 p.m. – about one hour and forty-five minutes after it began. 

23 February 2011

Cayman Islands University to Convene Conference on Leadership, Governance and Empowerment

He explained how individually, residents contribute daily to the principles of leadership, governance and empowerment whenever one volunteers for community projects, manages their personal affairs or supports charities.
“The upcoming conference .. is open to every person residing in the Cayman Islands. It presents a wonderful opportunity for persons across the society to become involved because these issues are relevant to every person in the community. That’s why we encourage community-wide involvement,” Bodden added.
History shows how Cayman’s merchant class demonstrated leadership as they sought to move the country from its 1863 designation as a dependent territory to greater self government. On July 4, 1959, Cayman adopted its first constitution, with the assistance of Jamaica, its colonial administrator. In terms of governance, the right to vote and run for political office was won by women and Caymanian residents of colour and Jamaican descent during the 1950s and 60s, as political parties emerged out of a system that initially excluded them as equal citizens.
Caymanians continue to empower themselves, as they participate in ongoing debates on issues that confront them today. Also of particular note is the dynamic evolution of Cayman’s communities, which have become a great cultural mix. Although no one knew at the time how these developments would impact the nation, each era has contributed to Cayman achieving one of the top per capita incomes in the Caribbean.
Just as before, Cayman must continue to address issues, especially so that our young people with have the brightest future possible, and the upcoming UCCI International Conference provides that opportunity to further a community wide conversation, the president added.
James ‘Jamo’ Myles, member of the Planning Committee said the Youth Services Unit was committed to empower the nation, one youth at a time. “That’s why we implore all young people and their families to attend the UCCI conference which aims to energize and invigorate the spirit of leadership. So make your best effort to be there, it could change your life,” he said.

22 February 2011

Upcoming Elections among Critical Tests of Timor-Leste’s Resiliency,

Timor Leste was the only territory to achieve full self-government during the first or second International Decade(s) for the Eradication of Colonialism (1991-2000, 2001-2010)

United Nations Press Release
Security Council
6485th Meeting (AM)


UN Special Representative Paints Calm Security Picture,
Outlines Preparations for National Police to Assume Greater Responsibility

With Timor-Leste’s broad transition strategy showing solid progress on security- and judicial-sector reforms, the top United Nations official in the country told the Security Council today that upcoming elections and the transformation of the world body’s mission there would be important political tests for the resiliency of the Timorese Government and the durability of the institutions built since the military crisis of 2006.

“All institutions and leaders will need to show that progress to date results from measures, processes and commitments that can be sustained in the long term,” said Ameerah Haq, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT), in a cautiously optimistic briefing to the Council.  She highlighted, among other things, the calm security and political situation, reinvigorated national development initiatives, preparations for presidential and parliamentary elections to be held in 2012 and the eventual drawdown of UNMIT following those polls.

Much of her assessment focused on the gradually increasing responsibilities of Timor-Leste’s national police forces, and she expressed confidence that the process could be finalized in the coming months, with the Policiá Nacional de Timor-Leste taking over all districts.  During the initial period, overall crime rates had remained low and there had been no indication of any politics-related violence, reflecting a general desire for peace, stability and unity at all levels of society.  While the Government coalition and opposition parties still had their differences, they continued to channel them through established democratic institutions and processes.  “Timorese leaders at the national, district and community levels and across the political spectrum, while recognizing that there are still challenges ahead, including presidential and parliamentary elections planned for 2012, are optimistic that the current peaceful situation can be maintained through the end of 2010 and beyond,” she said.

Ms. Haq shared the optimism that such progress could hold if all political leaders and the wider public continued to act in a responsible manner and the security situation remained stable.  “Investment in human capital, particularly for the youth, will improve the lives of the population and provide increased economic dividends down the road,” she said, emphasizing also the importance of investing in rural areas — home to some 80 per cent of the Timorese population — and of providing more employment opportunities for young people.

The Government was aware of such expanding challenges, and hopefully, ongoing initiatives and programmes focused on district-level development would further efforts to guarantee responsible spending, she said.  An increased focus on social and rural initiatives would help facilitate the realization of the Millennium Development Goals, she said, noting Timor-Leste’s significant progress in that regard.  The country had already met the Goals for reducing infant mortality and ensuring antenatal coverage, she said.

In his address to the Council, Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Security of Timor-Leste, outlined the achievements made in various sectors by the five-party Coalition Government since its entry into office in August 2007.  He described the restoration of peace and stability following the crisis of 2006 as primarily a result of the reforms started in the national police and defence forces, which had finally overcome their “petty differences” by 2008.

He said he was attending today’s meeting in order to correct some reports about Timor-Leste that “tend to sound more like verdicts”, without underestimating the difficulties and challenges ahead.  In becoming gradually stronger, Timor-Leste was taking its due place in the region, he said, pointing out that the Government was currently formalizing its application for membership in the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), while also cooperating with other friends in Asia and the Pacific region, as well as the Lusophone (Portuguese-speaking) community.

He went on to note that the transfer of executive responsibility from the United Nations police to the national force should be completed by 27 March and from that point on the latter would be responsible for conducting, leading and controlling all police operations.  He underlined the Government’s commitment to strengthening command-and-control and to applying disciplinary procedures in a serious manner, so as to ensure the integrity of the police force.

Expressing confidence that the upcoming elections would take place in tranquillity, as in 2007 and despite challenges, the Prime Minister noted, however, that the national police force would continue to require advisory and capacity-building assistance from the United Nations police.  It would be ideal if advisers to the national force had technical and professional skills in legislation, training, administration, discipline and operations, he said, adding that, if possible, he would like to see advisers already cooperating in those areas remain there until the end of their mandates.

The post-UNMIT period following the elections, when the Mission might start to withdraw, would remain under consideration by the Government, in consultation with all partners, he said.  The United Nations had been present from the moment that Timor-Leste had started to be built, he recalled.  “As such, I urge you to remain with us in solidarity so we may fulfil the dreams of our people,” he said.  “Today, those dreams are about peace and development.”

When Council members took the floor, most speakers generally praised UNMIT, describing its work in assisting Timor-Leste’s transition towards lasting stability and democracy as a major United Nations success story.  However, they cautioned against resting on such achievements, with the representative of France among those who stressed that long-term stability could only hold if more progress was made in the fight against impunity.  On that subject, Colombia’s representative emphasized the results of the concluding conference of the National Dialogue on Truth and Reconciliation, especially regarding reparations for victims of human rights violations committed between 1974 and 1999.

Among Timor-Leste’s main bilateral partners attending the meeting, Australia’s representative said significant challenges remained for the Timorese Government and people, pointing out that, while there had been some progress in reducing poverty, increasing school enrolment and improving immunization programmes, the country was off track to meeting more than half of the Millennium Development Goals.  Poverty levels remained high, especially in rural areas, while health and education sectors remained underdeveloped.  “None of this is easy — for any Government,” he said.  “Acknowledging the problems is not to criticize but really to state the enormity of what needs to be done.  And this is a task where the international community continues to have a critical role to play,” he said.

The representative of New Zealand, another key bilateral partner, cautioned that the next 18 months would test the extent to which the current political and security climate could withstand the heat of competitive democratic elections.  They would also test the readiness of core State institutions to sustain themselves with reduced international support.  “This period also represents a window of opportunity for consolidating and extending recent achievements, and for preparing for significant changes to the international presence post-2012,” he said.  It was also necessary to consider Timor-Leste’s needs beyond 2012, he said, adding that the international community must consider its role in helping the country address its longer-term socio-economic challenges, including the 41 per cent of the population still living below the poverty line.

Other speakers today included representatives of India, United States, Russian Federation, Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Africa, Nigeria, United Kingdom, Portugal, Gabon, China, Colombia, Lebanon, Germany, Brazil, Japan and the Philippines.

Also delivering a statement was the Acting Head of the European Union Delegation to the United Nations.

The meeting began at 10:30 a.m. and ended at 1:30 p.m.
The full press release can be read at: http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs//2011/sc10179.doc.htm

20 February 2011

Edouard Glissant, Martinican Freedom Fighter, Joins the Ancestors

"The celebrated Martinican poet, academic and writer Edouard Glissant, whose work illuminated the complexities of the colonial condition in the Caribbean and elsewhere, has died aged 82; an event that has passed relatively unnoticed in the English-speaking Caribbean. In his youth, Glissant had campaigned for Martinican independence within a Caribbean federation."  -  Norman Girvan - Caribbean Political Economy

by Celia Britton
guardian.co.uk 


Edouard Glissant

Edouard Glissant at the Saint Malo book fair in 2009. Photograph: Ulf Andersen/Getty Images Europe Edouard Glissant, who has died aged 82, was one of the most important writers of the French Caribbean. His novels, with their combination of textual complexity and emotional intensity, first brought him to public attention. More recently, he had become better known for collections of essays such as Poétique de la Relation (Poetics of Relation, 1990), Traité du Tout-Monde (Treatise On the Whole World, 1996) and Philosophie de la Relation (Philosophy of Relation, 2009). Glissant's body of work, comprising eight novels, nine volumes of poetry, one play and 15 collections of essays, constitutes not only a profound reflection on colonialism, slavery and racism, but also a powerful vision of a world where cultural diversity flourishes. He was shortlisted for the Nobel prize for literature in 1992.

Born on the island of Martinique, Glissant was shaped by his experience as a colonised subject whose African ancestors had been transported to the Caribbean and whose lives as slaves were largely unrecorded. This loss of history and the marginalisation some Martinicans feel, as inhabitants of a tiny island on the fringes of the French-speaking world, weighed heavily on his early writing. Martinique's accession to the status of French overseas department in the late 1940s merely, in his eyes, reinforced this sense of alienation.

As a young man he campaigned for Martinique's independence within a federation of Caribbean states. But in the 1980s he abandoned this project as unrealisable and broadened his focus to what he called the "tout-monde": a view of the whole world as a network of interacting communities whose contacts result in constantly changing cultural formations. The concept of "relation", earlier presented as a goal to which the isolated society of Martinique aspired, now became a worldwide reality: we are all in relation with each other and we all have a chance of making our voices heard.

Glissant attended the Lycée Victor Schoelcher in the capital, Fort-de-France, where his fellow students included Frantz Fanon, whose analyses of colonial psychology would later be a significant influence, and where the poet Aimé Césaire taught. When Césaire stood as a communist candidate for the French parliament in the 1945 election, Glissant, despite being too young to vote, helped organise his campaign. These events are reflected in Glissant's first novel, La Lézarde (The Ripening, 1958).

The following year he went to study philosophy at the Sorbonne, and then ethnology at the Musée de l'Homme. During these years in Paris, Glissant moved in avant-garde literary circles, writing reviews for Les Lettres Nouvelles and publishing his first volume of poetry, Un Champ d'Iles (A Field of Islands, 1953), and his first collection of essays, Soleil de la Conscience (The Sun of Consciousness, 1956), which expressed his ambiguous feeling of both belonging and not belonging to France.

Towards the end of the 1950s he became involved in anti-colonial political movements. He supported the Front de Libération Nationale during the Algerian war; and with his friend Paul Niger, founded the Front Antillo-Guyanais in 1959 to campaign for independence for the French overseas departments – from which he was therefore banned by the French president, Charles de Gaulle, until 1965.

Returning that year to Martinique, he set up the Institut Martiniquais d'Etudes and the journal Acoma in order to counteract the overwhelmingly French emphasis in the island's educational and cultural life. Here he wrote two forcefully despairing novels set in Martinique, Malemort (Violent Death, 1975), which tracks three penniless odd-jobmen through the 1930s and 40s against a background of political corruption and a murky political assassination, and La Case du Commandeur (The Overseer's Hut, 1981) which within a broad historical sweep focuses mainly on his principal and recurring female character Mycéa and her eventual descent into madness. He also wrote the articles on Caribbean society that were published as Le Discours Antillais (Caribbean Discourse, 1981).

In 1980 he went to Paris again to work as editor of Unesco's multilingual magazine. He met Sylvie Sémavoine, a student, and they married in 1987. In 1989 he accepted a post as distinguished professor at Louisiana State University: intellectually this was a productive move, in so far as the American south rekindled his longstanding interest in William Faulkner and allowed him to explore further his sense that all ex-plantation societies, whether in the US or the Caribbean, share a common culture. As a mixed-race family the Glissants found life difficult in Louisiana, and it was with relief that in 1995 he left for the City University of New York where, despite eventually settling in Paris, he gave graduate classes almost up to the time of his death.

Glissant was always politically involved – whether in ecological campaigns in Martinique; the International Writers' Parliament, which he and Wole Soyinka created in the 1990s; and his high-profile opposition to Nicolas Sarkozy's immigration policies. He is survived by Sylvie and their son, Mathieu, and by his children from two previous marriages, Pascal, Jérôme, Barbara and Olivier.

• Edouard Glissant, writer, born 21 September 1928; died 3 February 2011

18 February 2011

Rapa Nui Crisis Reaches US Congress

A very busy week for Rapa Nui Human Rights Defenders

Amer. Samoa Delegate Calls for Peaceful Solution to Rapa Nui Crisis in Adress to US Congress



By DCRapaNui

On February 3rd Senator Daniel Akaka of Hawaii and Congressman Eni H. Falemavenga of Samoa, wrote strong letters in support of Rapa Nui to Hillary Clinton and to President Pinera. Congressman Falemavenga put his concerns about Chile’s abuses against Rapa Nui on the Congressional record.

Last Sunday morning February 6th, Chilean police forcibly and illegally removed the Hitorangi clan from Hotel Hanga Roa. During the 6 months the Hitorangi Clan was in possession of the property there was no physical damage to the site. On Feb. 6th three women were locked into the hotel lobby waiting for their attorney to arrive from the airport when the police smashed the window and window frame, and violently evicted the women. They also arrested and beat anyone who tried to take pictures.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) has granted precautionary measures to immediately stop the violent use of armed forces against the Rapa Nui clans and to begin an investigation on recent events. The precautionary measures were requested by the Indian Law Resource Center on behalf of the Rapa Nui Nation. The IACHR will more than likely moderate negotiations between the Rapa Nui and the Chilean government to seek peaceful solutions.

On Feb, 8th, the newly assigned judge ruled that the police acted improperly in removing the Clan, and did not criminally charge the Hitorangi clan. She held that neither the Scheiss’ nor the Hitorangi’s can remain on the property until it is judicially determined who are the rightful owners. The next court date is scheduled for early April. We are very grateful for the individual contributions and for the emergency grant we received from Frontline to retain a legal counsel.

In the meantime, we are concerned and watchful that the Schiess are prevented from using financial pressures to get access to hotel from the Chilean police force.

We thank all our friends throughout the world who have been amazingly supportive through this difficult time.
We are hopeful that there will be a peaceful resolution and that the rights of Rapa Nui will be restore

Also see Rapanui Seek U.N. Intervention


Statement of American Samoa Congressional Delegate Eni Faleomavaega
Congressional Record


112th Congress (2011-2012)

CALLING FOR A PEACEFUL SOLUTION TO THE EASTER ISLAND CRISIS

(House of Representatives - February 16, 2011)


The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega) for 5 minutes.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I'm not wanting to detract from today's spirited discussion or debate on H.R. 1, which I will discuss at a later point of time in the day, but I want to discuss with my colleagues and the American people the current crisis now happening between the government of Chile and the people of Easter Island, also known as Rapa Nui among its native people.

Easter Island was settled by Polynesian voyagers about 700 AD. The island is famous for some 887 monumental statues carved out of stones weighing tens of tons. These statues are known throughout the world for their archeological wonder and mystery in terms of how these ancient Polynesians were able to carve and move these tremendous statues to different locations on the island. Less well-known is that Easter Island is home to roughly 2,500 indigenous people, known as the Rapa Nui Nation. The people of Easter Island carry a vibrant culture dating back centuries before the arrival of Europeans.

Like many other islands in the Pacific, Easter Island has had its sovereignty determined by more powerful outside influences. In 1888, the Rapa Nui Nation entered into a disputed treaty with the government of Chile. The Chilean government used the treaty as a license to treat the island and the indigenous people as property of the State. Chile confined the people to a small area, about 1 square mile, believe this, Mr. Speaker, today known as Hanga Roa. To this day, the validity of the 1888 agreement is contested by most of the Rapa Nui people.

Chile then annexed Easter Island in 1933 without the consent of or even consultation with the Rapa Nui people. The government of Chile unilaterally leased the majority of the island to private sheepherding enterprises, without the Rapa Nui Nation's consent.

The lands that were wrongfully taken from the Rapa Nui people have not been restored. Instead of returning the lands to their rightful owners, the Chilean government continues to favor private enterprises interested in exploiting the Rapa Nui culture for private gain.

In addition, Mr. Speaker, to the serious land rights disputes, several other issues threaten the livelihood of the people of Rapa Nui. For example, roughly 50,000 tourists each year flock to Easter Island to view these huge Moai statues. Yet the Chilean policies prevent the Rapa Nui people from benefiting from the tourism industry. Non-indigenous individuals and corporations possess most of the land, while jobs related to tourism often go to continental Chileans. Uncontrolled migration to the island has caused widespread unemployment among the native people, exploitation of natural resources and increased pollution.

Within this context, Mr. Speaker, the Rapa Nui Nation began taking a stand. In July and August of last year, the Rapa Nui people wrote several letters to the President of Chile, Sebastian Pinera, to negotiate a peaceful solution to the underlying problems of Chile's relationship with the people of Easter Island. The Rapa Nui people also began to peacefully reoccupy their ancestral lands, including the Hotel Hanga Roa, a five-star hotel supposedly being built by the Schiess family, a non-indigenous family, on ancestral Rapa Nui lands.

[Time: 11:10]

Mr. Speaker, while the Government of Chile attempted to initiate a dialogue with Rapa Nui individuals, the problem is that the Chilean Government also sent military police to this little island which is 2,300 miles from Chile. I can't believe, Mr. Speaker--we have 17 million people, good people, living in Chile--sending police forces to take control of this little island with some 2,500 Rapa Nuians and they have not even been given any consultation or even an opportunity to conduct consultations, serious consultations, with the Government of Chile.

Mr. Speaker, I sincerely hope that the Government of Chile can begin a dialogue for ways to help the Rapa Nui people achieve a greater sense of self-determination and self-governance in their lands. I ask President Pinera to advocate for a more positive approach for partnership and dialogue with the indigenous people of Easter Island. It is my honest belief that the indigenous people of Easter Island do not wish any harm to the good people of Chile. Nor is there a possibility that the people of Easter Island will ever pose a threat to the military and strategic or national security interests of the people and the Government of Chile.

Mr. Speaker, I also hope that the White House and the State Department and Assistant Secretary Valenzuela will take a stand against these violent

[Page: H948]

evictions and express solidarity with the Rapa Nui nation, especially in light of President Obama's planned visit to Chile next month and Assistant Secretary Valenzuela's recent testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee yesterday. I sincerely hope that even our international community will build pressure on President Pinera and the Government of Chile. Let's treat these poor people with justice and give them an opportunity to live in peace in this area. I ask that the good people of America make this appeal and that the Government of Chile be responsive to this request.

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