American Samoa Congressional Delegate given human rights award for work on West Papua issue

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East Timor Action Network The West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) is pleased to announce that it is awarding the 2011 "John Rumbiak Human Rights Defenders Award" to the Honorable Eni F.H. Faleomavaega (D-AS), a member (non-voting delegate) of the U.S. House of Representatives.

Congressmember Faleomavaega has been an articulate and effective advocate for the defense of human rights in West Papua, and has long worked for a peaceful resolution of the serious problems confronting Papuans.

His extensive knowledge regarding West Papua and his manifest sincerity and good will have enabled him to draw on the respect accorded him by his Congressional colleagues and members of successive Administrations to alert them and the U.S. public more broadly to justice, good governance and development concerns in West Papua.

Congressmember Faleomavaega continues to do all he can to hold the Indonesian government accountable so that a better way forward may be found for and on behalf of the people of West Papua.

On September 22, 2010, in his capacity as the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment, Congressmember Faleomavaega convened the first hearing in the history of the U.S. Congress to include testimony from West Papua's traditional and religious leaders. The hearing, Crimes Against Humanity: When Will Indonesia's Military Be Held Accountable for Deliberate and Systematic Abuses in West Papua, also included testimony from scholars and administration officials from the U.S. Departments of State and Defense.

Driven by a sense of personal responsibility to carry forward the work of his Samoan relatives who are buried in West Papua and in honor of all those who have lived the struggle, Congressmember Faleomavaega continues to do all he can to hold the Indonesian government accountable so that a better way forward may be found for and on behalf of the people of West Papua.

Past recipients of the award include Carmel Budiardjo (UK) and TAPOL (2008); John M. Miller (U.S.) and the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) (2009), and Andreas Harsono (Indonesia) of Human Rights Watch (2010).

The award includes a plaque and a financial prize which Congressmember Faleomavaega has directed be donated to a charity selected by him. The award is named in honor of Papuan John Rumbiak, a renowned champion of human rights and founder of WPAT.

Montserrat Chief Minister explains territory's status in the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States

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The Montserrat Reporter

Chief Minister Reuben Meade has sought to set the record straight about Montserrat’s position as a member of the Organisation of the East Caribbean States (OECS) Economic Union and as a consequence in the ECCU, which latter extends from its membership of the East Caribbean Bank (ECCB).

One member of the local press corps had asked a question during the press conference which followed the ECCU ministers meeting on Friday, July 15, 2011, at the Cultural Centre. The question suggested that there were conflicting theories or beliefs on Montserrat’s position, being in or out of the Union as a member of the OECS.

The Chief Minister’s initial response: “I really don’t understand your perception of this in and out I have said it as clearly as I could that Montserrat will not be dictated to as to whether or not it will be in or out. Montserrat is in and we’re not asking anybody permission to go in,” he said.

Surmising there may be some confusion, hence the question, he added and explained. “Whereas, we may not be able to sign the treaty until we get special dispensation under the new Constitution, which comes into effect 1st of September, (2011), we have abided by every agreement within the OECS. And, you would recognize that the free movement of labour, which the OECS agree to implement by the first of August, was an initiative as part of the OECS. So, we are in the OECS, we’re part of the OECS community, we’re full members of the ECCU, and we pay our dues.”

To be emphatic about his statement, he added, “So I don’t want to hear any further discussion as to whether we’re in or out, we are in.”

But the CM showed his further annoyance at the question and spoke about what he refers to as mental slavery.

Let me answer on behalf of Montserrat again, and as I have said to you the sole aspect about mental slavery where we have to go to seombody from across the pond to ask for an explanation that your local politician is giving you because you don’t believe us we are saying and I’m going to say it very slowly Montserrat is a full member of the OECS, so whoever else wishes to tell you otherwise from wherever they come you can say to them we are full members of the OECS, we pay our dues, we attend the meetings, we make decisions and we comply with the regulations of the single market.

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Also see:  Montserrat Colonial History From Emancipation Until...

International Monetary Fund Statement at the Conclusion of the IMF Mission to Montserrat

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Press Release No. 11/284
July 18, 2011

An International Monetary Fund (IMF) mission headed by Hunter Monroe issued the following statement on Monday, July 18, 2011 at the end of its discussions in Montserrat:

“An IMF staff team visited Montserrat from July 12 to 18, 2011 to undertake the IMF’s first formal bilateral dialogue with the UK overseas territory of Montserrat, at the request of the Montserrat authorities. The team held productive discussions with the local authorities, the banking and business representatives, the opposition, and union representatives.

“Montserrat has a number of promising opportunities to enhance its growth prospects. The construction of a new capital and port, the keystone of the public investment program, would provide a focal point for public and private sector activity. The government is defining options to improve access to the island, and an investment program is underway to enrich the tourist experience taking advantage of Montserrat’s unique characteristics. The current approach for the mining of volcanic sands, the only export industry, needs improvement. It is being replaced with a sound and sustainable strategy; establishing a national consensus behind the strategy will be crucial. Lowering energy costs including through geothermal energy would transform the local economy.

“Improving the business environment will be essential to rebuilding a viable private sector. The mission noted progress in streamlining customs clearance and recommended establishing a one-stop shop for investors and joining the World Bank’s Doing Business indicators database to provide a diagnostic and benchmark for progress.

“The challenge for fiscal policy is to keep recurrent expenditure in line with recurrent revenue and to reduce dependence on external grants over time while carefully selecting public investment projects that will deliver future streams of income. The medium-term fiscal framework needs to be revised to reflect changes in economic circumstances. The mission welcome plans to improve tax administration, to simplify the tax system, and to improve the sustainability of the pension system.

“The economy’s exposure to two failed insurance companies which had been offering deposit-like products represents a significant challenge to the financial and public sectors as well as to affected individuals. The mission recommended that financial institutions with such impaired assets clean up their balance sheets and seek new capital as needed. The mission encourages the authorities to strengthen the regulation and supervision of the financial sector, including by regulating previously unsupervised institutions.

“The mission benefited from open and fruitful exchanges with representatives of the local authorities and the private sector and wishes to express its gratitude for the cooperation and kind hospitality.”


IMF EXTERNAL RELATIONS DEPARTMENT
Public Affairs Media Relations
E-mail: publicaffairs@imf.org Phone: 202-623-7100
Fax: 202-623-6278 Fax: 202-623-6772

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IMF visit reports prospects for Montserrat’s economic future

Montserrat Reporter

The IMF Article IV Consultation that Chief Minister Reuben T. Meade had announced in February while Britain’s Secretary of State Andrew was making a whirlwind visit to Montserrat began here on July 12 and lasted through the 18th. The team along with the chief minister and Governor Davis spoke to the local media on Monday evening.

The team in a statement on their findings sounded a positive outlook for Montserrat, the fact that the British Overseas territory depends on assistance of more than 50% to balance its recurrent budget.

“Montserrat has a number of promising opportunities to enhance its growth prospects,” mission chief Monroe began in his opening statement to the press. The four-man IMF team consisted of the Mission Chief, Hunter Monroe, Mico Mrkaic, and Ms. Arina Viseth from the Fund’s Western Hemisphere Department) and Fang Yang from the Finance Department.

Monroe outlined much of what government leaders who along with the Governor had been telling the people over the past few weeks in particular. He noted, “The construction of a new capital and port, the keystone of the public investment program, would provide a focal point for public and private sector activity,” while noting also, “the government is defining options to improve access to the island, and an investment program is underway to enrich the tourist experience taking advantage of Montserrat’s unique characteristics.”

He spoke of the sand-mining prospects, which he referred to as, “the only export industry,” but noted: “The current approach for the mining of volcanic sands, needs improvement.”

This will sound to many as a caution, but Monroe then cited the matter as being one that needs national consensus as he observed. “It is being replaced with a sound and sustainable strategy, he said as he noted, “establishing a national consensus behind the strategy will be crucial.”

He addressed matters relating to the fledgling, less than hesitant private sector. “Improving the business environment will be essential to rebuilding a viable private sector,” as he later noted its dependence on public sector initiatives for activity.

The mission noted what they referred to as challenging – the government’s fiscal policy, to keep recurrent expenditure in line with recurrent revenue and to reduce dependence on external grants over time. The chief suggestee, “…carefully selecting public investment projects that will deliver future streams of income,” noting, “The medium-term fiscal framework needs to be revised to reflect changes in economic circumstances.”

The mission welcomed the’ little spoken- of’ plans, to improve tax administration, to simplify the tax system, and to improve the sustainability of the pension system. They made reference to previous catastrophe of, “The economy’s exposure to two failed insurance companies, British American Insurance Co. (BAICO0 and Colonial Life Insurance Co. (CLICO).”

Mr. Monroe was asked what the difference between his mission’s visit to another country and his visit to Montserrat. He responded as follows: “The first crucial distinction is that Montserrat is an overseas territory of the UK, it is not a member of the IMF. Unlike members of the IMF it has not been participating in the annual or biannual Article IV consultations that all IMF members do. Another crucial distinction is that because Montserrat is not a member of the IMF it is not eligible to borrow from the IMF so there is no prospect of an IMF program with the IMF…”

The mission recommended that financial institutions with such impaired assets clean up their balance sheets and seek new capital as needed, while encouraging the authorities to strengthen the regulation and supervision of the financial sector, including by regulating previously unsupervised institutions, a matter that has been obtaining the attention of the East Caribbean Currency Union chiefs and the ECCB, evidenced in their recently concluded summit on the weekend.

The mission welcome plans to improve tax administration, to simplify the tax system, and to improve the sustainability of the pension system.

The mission recommended that financial institutions with such impaired assets clean up their balance sheets and seek new capital as needed. The mission encourages the authorities to strengthen the regulation and supervision of the financial sector, including by regulating previously unsupervised institutions.

Governor Davis responded to a question as to whether the mission may find that Montserrat can pose a risk to the UK with IMF, like being a little leaf on the branch economically to the UK Government. The Governor expressed his thought that this was not an appropriate question to put to the IMF, and asserted, ”the UK did not regard Montserrat as a risk.”

He pointed out the new Overseas Territories strategy that was being discussed in London talked about the OTs as being vibrant members of a broader UK family, while, the UK had clearly shown its willingness to invest in a strategic growth package which could move Montserrat nearer to economic self-sufficiency.

The Government in announcing the visit, had sought to explain the visit. In a release it noted: “Montserrat is not a member of the IMF but as an Overseas Territory of the UK is able to access its services through the United Kingdom’s membership, explaining further the benefits. “The ability to access this service and the information provided from the assessments made will, it is hoped, help the Government make better policy decisions and deliver more targeted programmes. It will also help the Government make the case to donor countries for support, especially at this point where evidence based justification is essential.”

At the press conference the Chief Minister sought further to justify the visit and explained, “Whereas we may feel we are doing certain things right, it is always useful to have an independent evaluator, to take another look to determine whether or not there are improvements which could be made. Coming out of this mission there will be recommendations in terms of what improvements – Some things which we are not doing right or some things we can do better…”

Eventually a report will be published and circulated at the wish of the relevant authorities. Hunter Monroe said that on their return to Washington, “we will prepare a staff report which will be circulated to our executive board for discussion approximately end of September , following the discussion the staff report could be published with the permission of the authorities and along with a summary of the views of our executive board on the discussions from the end of Montserrat,” he announced.

He said they had already, “laid out some of our recommendations and we’ve already had some indications that some of them are relevant and will be pursued.”

Decolonisation in Reverse - British Take new powers in Turks & Caicos 'constitution'

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Turks and Caicos Islands Sun

New constitution transfers powers from Turks and Caicos Islanders to the Brits, says PNP leader Clayton Greene


Leader of the Progressive National Party (PNP) Clayton Green says the new Constitution of the Turks and Caicos Islands, “makes the Government of the People subservient to the dictates of those in a far away land and rapes us of our worth as a people”.

In a press release issued late Thursday, Greene said:

“The reality is that the constitution that has been published today is by and large what those of us who met with the Minister in London expected to receive. That is however not the issue. The issue is that it is not a constitution that has the buy - in of the people of the Turks and Caicos Islanders because it is not a negotiated document. That is a significant indictment.”

Greene, who is the managing partner of the law firm Stanfield Greene, said the new Constitution remains a document that is “designed to transfer governance from Turks and Caicos Islanders and place it exclusively in the hands of the British Government in the person of their appointed Governor”.

He added: “There is nothing in it that is worthy of celebration because nothing in it speaks to the hopes dreams and aspirations of the Turks and Caicos Islanders. The reality is that we have come too far and accomplished too much for ourselves that we will never be satisfied with a constitution that that does not recognize our worth as a people. We aspire to be more that a “territory”.”

According to Greene, who was a former Speaker of the House of Assembly of the Turks and Caicos Islands:

“This constitution does not recognize that. It makes the Government of the People subservient to the dictates of those in a far away land and rapes us of our worth as a people. I will never be satisfied and will therefore do every thing that I can to hasten the day when we can negotiate the constitution of our choosing.”

United States Dependencies in the 21st Century

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by Carlyle G. Corbin

Dr. Corbin is an international advisor on governance and former Minister for External Affairs of the US Virgin Islands Government. He has served as United Nations advisor on political and constitutional development, and is the author of three books. He lectures extensively on the self-determination process in Caribbean and Pacific small island territories.

In recent years, varying degrees of interest have been expressed in the five United States (U.S.) territories in modernizing their present dependency political status arrangements. To this end, territories have undertaken a number of initiatives to advance toward a full measure of self-government.

In American Samoa, an extensive review of political status options was conducted by the territory’s Future Political Status Study Commission with recommendations contained in its report published in 2007. This was the territory’s third and most comprehensive analysis on political status-related issues. In 2010, the territory convened a constitutional convention which proposed more authority for the elected government. While neither initiative resulted in immediate political change, interest in political status modernization remains as expressed by the territory’s representative to the May 2011 United Nations Decolonization Seminar.

In Puerto Rico, the three main political parties which favor different political alternatives have continued efforts at bringing closure to the commonwealth’s longstanding political status dilemma referenced in the 2011 Obama Administration White House Report on Puerto Rico. The report provided much-needed clarity on the primacy of the territorial clause of the U.S. Constitution under the commonwealth status with implications on the political future of the other U.S. territories as well. The Obama Report followed on from U.S. House of Representatives passage of legislation in 2010 authorizing a political status referendum - legislation which stalled in the U.S. Senate. The present Puerto Rico government which favors political integration with the U.S. is now organizing a referendum in 2011 carefully crafted in favor of the statehood option, even as the more balanced approach of a constituent assembly is favored widely.

The other U.S. territory in the Caribbean, the U.S. Virgin Islands, proposed significant revisions to its present political arrangement with the drafting of a constitution adopted by its (fifth) constitutional convention in 2010. The proposal would expand some of the parameters of the prevailing territorial status - changes opposed by the territory’s elected governor. The U.S. Congress and the Justice Department raised certain concerns with the proposal, recommending that revision of some of its provisions in line with the existing limitations on autonomous powers of a territory. Unfortunately, the process has been stalled since 2010 due to the unavailability of territorial or U.S. financial assistance for the convention to resume its work. The broader issue of self-determination and political status evolution for the U.S. Virgin Islands – not discussed since an inconclusive 1993 referendum – would only be pursued following resolution of the dormant internal constitutional process.

Unlike the US Virgin Islands in the Caribbean, the territory of Guam has decided to re-start its self-determination process with preparations underway to implement existing legislation for a political status referendum on the options of political equality, specifically, statehood (integration), free association and independence. This comes over a decade after U.S. rejection of an autonomous commonwealth status in the early 1990s. Guam is experiencing a renewed sense of urgency to address the issue given the impending military build-up and its attendant political, socio-cultural, economic, environmental and other implications. Political evolution in Guam – as in any of the other territories - is a natural step which can be enhanced through increased public awareness of the current political status, and a thorough understanding of the fully self-governing political alternatives.

While this process continues to evolve in Guam, increased attention is being paid in its neighbor, the Northern Mariana Islands, to the impact of unilateral adjustments made through U.S. legislation to the territory’s commonwealth status. This action resulted in application of U.S. labor and immigration laws not specifically included in the original Commonwealth Covenant agreed between the territory and the United States. The territorial government challenged this action in U.S. court on the basis that such unilateral authority was inconsistent with the autonomous relationship set forth in the Covenant. However, the court ruling affirmed U.S. Congressional power to apply U.S. laws to the commonwealth by citing the primacy of the territorial clause of the U.S. Constitution in the governance of U.S. dependency arrangements. This decision served to further clarify Washington’s evolving interpretation of the limitations of the territorial/commonwealth models. Legislation to review the present status and to examine other political alternatives is currently under consideration but has not yet achieved sufficient political support for the measure to be adopted.

Amidst this mood of reassessment, legislation has also been introduced in Guam and the

Northern Marianas to determine the views of the people on possible re-unification of the two territories. This discussion could serve to stimulate increased functional collaboration such as that existing between American Samoa and independent Samoa, and between neighboring British and U.S. Virgin Islands in the Caribbean. Such cooperation between Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands may already exist, but if not, could be useful in building further confidence while various forms of re-unification are explored in depth. Overall, the modernization of the respective political status arrangements, and the examination of ways to collaborate more closely, are signs that the two territories see value in working closer together in addressing future political and economic challenges.

In the particular case of Guam, public discourse ahead of the resumption of a self-determination process has invariably led to the expression of views from a variety of perspectives on a number issues, including the relevancy of international law and its relationship to U.S. domestic law, voter eligibility, and the nature of self-government under various political options. These and other issues will, no doubt, be examined as the process of public education intensifies. Thus, the dialogue on modernization of the current political status arrangement requires careful and measured assessment to examine the implications of change, as well as the ramifications of remaining the same.

The emerging public discourse can often result in different interpretations of the political reality including the recognition of a democratic deficit in the political status arrangements of the U.S. territories and commonwealths. A few have even argued that these political arrangements, deemed so deficient, were the only achievable aspiration. Such a suggestion that the people of the territories should be content with a status of political inequality that is less than fully self-governing is rather unsettling.

Another notable interpretation in the public discourse relates to the international obligations of the United States in the self-determination process of the U.S. territories. The role of international law can be misunderstood, and is often mis-characterized. This contributes to a lack of clarity. In fact, the U.S. has clear international legal obligations under the United Nations Charter, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and other international conventions relevant to self-determination. The U.S. fully recognizes these obligations, and has never renounced them. These principles cannot be simply set aside. The decision of the Obama Administration to sign on to the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is an illustration of U.S. recognition of international principles reflecting the collective will of the nations of the world in the promotion of human rights.

These principles apply not only to Asia, the Middle East, or elsewhere. They also apply to territories which have not yet reached a full measure of self-government. It is without question that international law and principles apply to the U.S. territories, just as it does to territories under British, French or New Zealand administration. The challenge is how best to specifically apply these standards to achieve full self-government and political equality for the people of the territories. A thorough examination of the international process, with its admitted challenges and complexities, is highly useful in any public education exercise on self-determination. The participation of the people of the territories in the international process, including the U.N. Decolonization Committee, broadens perspective, and provides important insight on how these issues are addressed globally. It is a case of “the more information, the better,” as this heightens the awareness of the people about the political options available to them.

Of course, there are occasions where international principles and U.S. policy do not exactly coincide. One example lies in defining the three internationally recognized options of political equality, namely independence, free association and integration. There are no specific international definitions for these self-governing options, in the interest of flexibility. Rather, a set of minimum standards is established in determining whether a particular political status has met the test of self-governance sufficiency. Thus, the standard for political integration, or statehood in the case of the U.S. territories, must be on the basis of complete political equality. Anything short does not meet the test. Nor should it. In this case, U.S. policy is consistent with international principles, requiring the attainment of full political rights and obligations. This is reflected in the Obama Administration 2011 Report, as well as in the 2005 and 2007 Bush Administration reports on the issue.

Where there is a perceived divergence from international standards is on the option of free association. International principles regard this alternative as a stand-alone status emerging from negotiations and mutual agreement between the parties. A number of free association models have developed within this broad framework including the Federated States of Micronesia, Marshall Islands and Palau, all of which enjoy a specific form of free association with the U.S. emerging from the post-World World War II United Nations trusteeship mandate. The 2011 White House Report regards this model as a ‘type of independence.’ However, other association models evolving from a specific set of circumstances are equally as valid.

What emerged from the former U.N. trust territories may not be what would emerge from other territorial situations. Greenland with respect to Denmark, and the Cook Islands and Niue with New Zealand, are but a few examples of creative autonomous arrangements recognized under international principles as providing for a full measure of self-government. The precision of these and other such autonomous governance models has been carefully negotiated to address the unique circumstances of each former territory which has evolved from differing political and constitutional circumstances to become fully self-governing in association with a larger country. The same should apply to any future association arrangements into which U.S. territories might emerge.

In the U.S. context, the concept of political association emanated from the experience of Puerto Rico with the establishment of its commonwealth status in 1952. This was an early benchmark for autonomous governance, especially for U.S. territories. The originators of the Puerto Rico commonwealth confirmed that the status was never meant to be permanent, but that it had to continually evolve if it was to keep pace with the requirements of democracy. Accordingly, numerous proposals to enhance the commonwealth status of Puerto Rico were developed since then to address the need for continual modernization, testing the limits of autonomy possible in a commonwealth status. A review of these proposals over time has revealed that limitations of autonomy under territorial or commonwealth arrangements are subject to changing political interpretations depending on factors such as the disposition of U.S. Congressional committees or the influence of Washington lobbyists whose job it is to advance the interests of their clients who support a particular political option. This often results in the unhelpful denigration of a particular option, for the sake of promoting another.

Contemporary interpretations of the extent of autonomy which can be exercised under the commonwealth status were discussed in the three White House reports, suggesting more limited powers than what might have been originally assumed in the past. As it has turned out, autonomous powers earlier delegated to a territory are reversible because of the primacy of the territorial clause of the U.S. Constitution giving unilateral decision-making power to the U.S. Congress. This was the experience of the Northern Mariana Islands with significant effect to their economic stability. The U.S. General Accountability Office report released in June, 2011 confirms the effect of applying federal wage laws to American Samoa and the Northern Marianas.

The disposition of the Guam commonwealth proposal of the early 1990s signaled the emergence of a narrower perspective on the level of autonomy obtainable under a commonwealth arrangement. At that time, the federal executive appeared to initially concur with the delegation of certain powers to the elected government. However, the federal position stiffened during Congressional review, and the Guam commonwealth proposal stalled in Congressional committee.

Given the fundamental question of the political sustainability of the commonwealth status, the option of free association has been recognized in recent years as a logical and realistic next step which would provide for predictable autonomous governance without any surprises. This compares to the unpredictability stemming from the unilateral applicability of (U.S.) federal laws or regulations which can upset the best of economic planning. Such unilateral federal authority should only apply if full political rights and equal political power in the U.S. system are extended, i.e. through U.S. statehood. Unilateral authority without equal political power is un-balanced. Of course, statehood or other recognized political options would come with requisite financial and other responsibilities which should be examined carefully. But unlike the commonwealth status, unilateral authority does not apply under a free association arrangement where autonomous powers cannot be unilaterally reversed. It is a modernized arrangement which is the result of an agreement between the two parties.

A most recent association model has been proposed in a draft compact of association developed in 2010 by autonomist leaders in Puerto Rico who concluded that the parameters of the status quo no longer provided the tools necessary for economic sustainability in a globalized world. The proposal was formulated, therefore, as a logical step forward to modernize the existing commonwealth status which has served Puerto Rico since 1952. The proposed model of association is intended to be ‘non-colonial and non-territorial in nature’ with the division of powers between the U.S. and Puerto Rico governments fully spelled out, enforceable by agreement and without any residual federal authority. This does not mean that there is no U.S. involvement built into the proposal, but its nature and extent are determined by agreement, with dispute mechanisms available in case of differences in interpretation.

The option of free association is not limited to a ‘form of independence,’ as has been suggested. Rather, it emerged from an understanding of the value of autonomous governance and true partnership between parties. It is a natural progression from the unilateralism of territory/commonwealth status to one which provides for full self-government. This can also be attained through statehood or independence. The common thread among these three options is that of political equality. A so-called ‘fourth option’ sometimes suggested, with continued or reformed political inequality, is neither permanent, sustainable, nor desirable if complete democratic governance is what is being sought. Political equality is the guiding principle. Democratic governance requires no less.

The political status referendum being pursued in Guam is properly based on what the White House and the United Nations recognize as the three permanent options which provide for full political equality, and which do not contain a residual unilateral power to negate the essence of what might have been earlier agreed. In practical terms, the substantive issues between U.S. territories and the federal government, including the ever important geo-strategic considerations, can be better accommodated through mutual agreements under an autonomous association, through political integration (statehood) where there is equal political power in the U.S. system, or through independence by way of international treaty. These are the 21st century solutions to the dependency dilemma.

Territories may reach this determination at different times in their political and constitutional evolution. But if they remain in the status quo – even a reformed version - it should be understood that they have not achieved full self-government which comes by way of a permanent option. Sustained public education on these issues, in the fullest of dimensions, will enhance the chances that the people of the U.S. territories will make an informed decision on a political future based on equal rights, justice and true democracy. The people of the territories deserve – and should expect – no less.

Statians appeal to UNESCO to prevent oil terminal expansion

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Daily Herald

Statians appeal to UNESCO,  Petition launched Monday

ST. EUSTATIUS--St. Eustatius Awareness and Development (SEAD) Movement, Statia Roots Foundation (SRF) and historian and Head of Monuments Walter Hellebrand launched an appeal Sunday with United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) in a bid to prevent the expansion of the NuStar terminal.

SEAD further launched a petition Monday against the projected construction of a second oil terminal in The Farm, while SEAD and SRF sent an open letter to the Executive Council on Sunday, in which they expressed their concerns about the "consequences and effects" of the expansion plans.

NuStar, which currently has 58 oil storage tanks on Statia with a capacity of more than 13 million barrels, wants to establish a new facility on the island with an additional 40 tanks and another jetty.

The petitioners believe that, considering the small scope of the 21-square-kilometre island, the expansion is out of proportion, while there are also concerns about safety, pollution and damage to coral reefs and marine life.

However, according to petitioners, the main point of concern is the location of the planned expansion, which they claim is a very valuable historical site with several slave cemeteries and other historical remains.

"The cemeteries are an essential part of the historical heritage of the people of St. Eustatius (as African descendants) and are of extreme value for the whole Caribbean region. They cannot be destroyed by bulldozers and replaced by oil tanks," they wrote in the letter sent to the UNESCO World Heritage Committee.

SEAD representative Kenneth Cuvalay, SRF President Paul W. Spanner and Hellebrand claim to represent a "group of concerned citizens [...] fighting against a multi-billion-dollar multinational." They fear that the local government, with its limited resources, would not be an equal partner in the discussions with NuStar.

According to the letter's three authors, the island government would be open to the expansion, because of the supposed extra tax income and the creation of new jobs.They are requesting UNESCO's aid in legal advice and counselling and are also seeking UNESCO's help in reaching out to the international community to prevent the expansion and to write a letter of concern to the island government.

In Sunday's letter to the Island Council, which was signed by SRF President Spanner and Secretary G. Berkel, as well as by Cuvalay, it was stated that a second oil terminal south of Signal Hill, in full view of most of the used part of the island, with a jetty for four mega-tankers right at the end of the beach of Lower Town, would seriously hamper any future development of tourism as a second economic pillar of the island.

SEAD is calling on Statians to sign a petition, which was launched Monday, expressing disapproval of NuStar building an oil terminal in The Farm and approval of NuStar seeking expansion of its oil terminal at the current location.

Dominican Irwin LaRocue named new Secretary General of The Caribbean Community (CARICOM)

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by Erasmus Williams

 sknpmpresssec@hotmail.com 

BASSETERRE, ST. KITTS, JULY 21ST 2011 (CUOPM)

Chairman of the Caribbean Community, St. Kitts and Nevis Prime Minister Hon. Dr. Denzil L. Douglas Thursday announced that His Excellency Ambassador Irwin LaRocque has been selected to serve as the seventh Secretary-General of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) by the Heads of Government. Ambassador LaRocque, 56, a national of Dominica replaces His Excellency Sir Edwin Carrington of Trinidad and Tobago.

Ambassador LaRocque is the current Assistant Secretary-General for Trade and Economic Integration at the CARICOM Secretariat, having served in that post since September 2005. Ambassador LaRocque was educated at Queen’s College, and the New School for Social Research, both in New York and New York University, majored in Political Philosophy, Political Economics and Economics respectively.

Prior to his appointment as Assistant Secretary-General, he served as Permanent Secretary in various Ministries in Dominica for more than fourteen years, including in the Ministries of Trade, Industry, Enterprise Development, Tourism, and Foreign Affairs, where he headed the diplomatic service. He also served as the principal advisor to the Government of Dominica on all matters pertaining to economic integration and regional and international trade.

He was Dominica's senior policy adviser on the revision of the original Treaty of Chaguaramas and served on the CARICOM Inter-Governmental Task Force which drafted the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas.

Ambassador LaRocque has a wealth of experience in management, public administration, economic development, trade, foreign affairs and diplomacy. During the period when Dominica underwent a structural adjustment programme, Ambassador LaRocque was a member of the Cabinet-appointed Public Sector Reform Task Force, which included the private sector, trade unions and non-governmental organisations with responsibility for the overall management, planning and performance review of the public sector reform process. He also served as the Chairman of the Consultative Working Group, a public/private sector consultative and advisory committee appointed by the Dominica Cabinet, with focus on the enabling environment for private sector development and growth.

He has served on several Boards, including those of the Caribbean Community Climate Change Centre, Caribbean Export, the Dominica Agricultural, Industrial and Development Bank, and the Dominica National Development Corporation.

As Assistant Secretary-General, he has provided strategic leadership for the continuing implementation and further development of the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME), as well as the Sectoral Programmes of the Community including agriculture, services, industry and energy.

Ambassador LaRocque has managed diplomatic negotiations with third countries and international development partners which required political acumen for successful completion. He has testified, on behalf of the Community, before the US International Trade Commission on trade relations between the Caribbean and the US with emphasis on extending and expanding the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI).

He is currently the Co-Chair of the US-CARICOM Trade and Investment Council and is leading the negotiations with the United States Trade Representative Office for a new Trade and Investment Framework Agreement.

He has gained considerable experience with the European arrangements through his involvement in developing and negotiating with the Commission of the European Union, development assistance under the European Development Fund.

Ambassador LaRocque’s experience in national public sector reform will be critical in the reform and restructuring process of the CARICOM Secretariat, which is currently in progress. Ambassador
LaRocque has served and had a close working relationship with several Prime Ministers of his homeland, and also in the Region by interacting with and providing advice to various Heads of Government and Cabinets in his capacity as Assistant Secretary General.

The CARICOM Chairman said: “My colleague Heads of Government and I believe that Ambassador LaRocque possesses the requisite skills of visionary leadership, courage and commitment required to guide the Community at this time of change and uncertainty.”

Secretary-General- designate LaRocque in his reaction expressed his deep appreciation for the confidence reposed in him by the Heads of Government. “I am humbled and privileged for this opportunity to continue my service to the Governments and people of the Caribbean Community. As we strive towards the goal of a Community For All, the confidence of the Heads of Government, the support of the people of the Community and the committed staff of the CARICOM Secretariat are vital in achieving that objective.”

Antigua and Barbuda Reparations Support Commission Established; activities from 25-29 July

*****

by Maurice Merchant

maurice.merchant@antigua.gov.ag

ST. JOHN¹S, Antigua ­ July 19, 2011 The Office of the Prime Minister is pleased to announce that the committee established in 2007 to commemorate the Bicentenary Anniversary of the Abolition of the British Empire Atlantic Slave Trade will now be officially called the Antigua and Barbuda Reparations Support Commission.

The Commission will continue to lead national initiatives, programmes, discussions and activities on issues pertaining to the institution of slavery, emancipation and reparation. It has the mandate to:

· lead national reflection on the institution of slavery which was at the heart of profound social and economic inequality, hatred, bigotry, racism and prejudice.

· identify, design and promote programmes for the commemoration of the abolition of slavery.

· honour the memory of those who died as a result of one of the worst acts of violation of human rights in the history of humanity.

· organize activities to include education and awareness programmes concerning reparations for the enslavement of our ancestors and establish links with organizations with similar mandates.

· foster deeper ideological, social and economic connections with people of African descent in the Diaspora and continental Africa.

Dorbrene O¹Marde has been appointed as Chair-person and Ambassador Anthony Liverpool as Deputy Chair-person with a directive to recruit persons either formally or informally to assist with the design and execution of plans and programmes in support of the mandate. Other members appointed to the Commission are:

 King Frank-I Francis
 Colin Cumberbatch
Saiid Greene
 Dr. Lester Simon
Reg Murphy
Ivor Jackson
Ermina Osaba
Strickland Joseph
 Donna Chaia
Mali Olatunji.

In preparations for the upcoming emancipation celebrations the Commission will be hosting an Emancipation Sunday celebration on July 31st at Betty¹s Hope and an Emancipation Exhibition at the Museum from July 25th to 29th 2011.

Antigua and Barbuda and Guadeloupe to Move Forward their Relations

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by Maurice Merchant 

BASSE-TERRE, Guadeloupe ­

France stands ready to support concrete strategic and focused development initiatives between Guadeloupe and Antigua and Barbuda.

(OTR Note: foreign relations of Guadeloupe, as an overseas department of France, are controlled by the French state with some degree of authority for regional economic affairs delegated to the elected government of the department ).

The assurances were made to Prime Minister, Dr. Hon. W. Baldwin Spencer during a courtesy call on His Excellency, Jean Fabre, Prefect of Guadeloupe.

Welcoming Prime Minister Spencer and his delegation to his office in Basse-Terre, Mr. Fabre said cooperation between Guadeloupe and Antigua and Barbuda could begin with healthcare, tourism and the agricultural sectors. He expressed a willingness to visit St. John¹s to assist in concretizing proposals to commence the enhanced cooperation.

In expressing appreciation for the warm welcome and the fact that Antigua and Barbuda has finally decided to embark upon this historic journey, Prime Minister Spencer who is visiting Guadeloupe for the first time, stressed the significance of the Agreement and St. John¹s desire to quickly operationalize the contents of the Accord.

Ambassador Dr. Clarence Henry and Mr. Jean Tibilan were identified as the persons designated by Prime Minister Spencer and Prefect Fabre to follow up on the their discussions.

The courtesy call on the Prefect was the first of several formal engagements for Prime Minister Spencer and his delegation that included a luncheon with the President of the Regional Council of Guadeloupe, the formal signing ceremony and an official dinner.

Turks & Caicos Progressive National Party comments on political crisis; Calls for return to democracy

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 Progressive National Party Statement

Clayton Greene

PNP Leader

While it is heartening that Minister Bellingham has kept his promise to visit the TCI soon after the recent discussions on the Draft Constitution in London, it was certainly disappointing that on this visit he brought with him neither a constitution nor did he give any indication as to when the People of the Turks and Caicos Islands can expect to receive a date certain for elections in 2012. Equally disconcerting is the fact that the Minister and the entire Administration continue to be vague concerning the extent to which the milestones that the Minister has laid down are being met.

Following the meeting between the PNP delegation and the Minister and his team we can say that there now seems to be some greater appreciation by the Minister of the general level of frustration with the process and in particular the Administration’s failure to keep the people informed in any meaningful way concerning the issues that impact their daily lives and their ability to survive let alone thrive in these Islands.

While the Minister did not accept the invitation of the Party to provide details concerning exactly where they were on the milestones, coming out of the meeting the Minister has agreed that the Governor would provide the Progressive National Party with detailed and regular updates concerning the Administration’s progress on the milestones. We look forward to this and expect that the Governor would be forthright in identifying the key deliverables attached to each milestone and whether in each case they have been met, and where they have not been met give an indication as to when we can expect that they will be met.

We made it clear to the Minister that with respect to elections in 2012, he is not, in our view, speaking with the certainty that characterized his language when we met in London last month. In the circumstances, we make it clear that we have no confidence that elections will be held in 2012 and we encourage every Turks and Caicos Islander to continue to be vigilant and agitate for the return of Representative Government to our country. True democracy is always fought for and struggled for. We become complacent at our peril!

In this regard we must require the Administration to be transparent and public in its plans regarding the establishment of the Electoral Boundaries Commission and the ultimate mapping out of the constituencies. We continue to be concerned that political parties will not have the right to make appointments to the Electoral Boundaries Commission but we expect and have made clear to the Minster the need for political parties to be involved in that process in a meaningful way.

The Minister in his press statement spoke to the intention on the part of the Administration to confer Turks and Caicos Islander status onto those persons qualifying for same. The Progressive National Party’s position is that the Interim Administration ought not to grant such status to any individual other than those persons who qualify through marriage or adoption. In London we agreed the minimum requirements for the same, and it should now be a matter for an elected Government whether, and to what extent, those minimum requirements should be enlarged by legislation. The Interim Administration has in the past assured the people of these Islands that it is not their intention to enlarge the franchise, and we are prepared to hold their feet to the fire on that promise.

The Progressive National Party supports the establishing of a clear path to TCI status and we believe that once an individual has qualified and has expressed the desire to acquire the status, the decision as to who should get the same should be random. We make it clear however that the grant of TCI status ought not to be considered an entitlement and there will be those who for objective and defensible reasons may be denied the grant.

The restructuring of the civil service was also of concern to us and we impressed upon the Minister the need to ensure that the restructuring is accompanied by the necessary training for Turks and Caicos Islanders so that we can be satisfied that the Service is continuing to represent, for Turks and Caicos Islanders, an opportunity for public service and meaningful employment. We do not want our civil service to be a revolving door for expatriate “expertise”. There must be a firm policy of transferring that expertise.

When we see Turks and Caicos Islanders being replaced by non nationals at the highest levels without the need for explanation or justification we are deeply concerned. This type of attitude is counter productive and is not conducive to the development of a Public service that is motivated, that is sustainable, and that is able to meet the needs of a growing and increasingly complex society.

During our meeting, Mr. Capes was able to indicate that some three ministries have already been the subject of review and that resulting from the review out of a total of 600 staff members some 50 jobs were found to be surplus to requirement. He indicated further that of those 50 persons, a significant number have been able to be redeployed in other public service positions. We continue, however, to be concerned that Mr. Cape’s plans for the service are being kept secret and that persons are not being given sufficient notice that their employment is being terminated. We have since our meeting written to the Minister with copy to the Governor and Mr. Capes requesting among other things, that in relation to the Civil Service, the Administration makes public its objectives for the Public Service and give details of the deliverables and the time frame in which it hopes to achieve them. We have asked further that the Administration consults with, and keeps the Civil Service Association abreast of its plans in this regard.

The people of these Islands were rightly upset by the statements made by Minister Bellingham during his press conference which lead persons to believe that the Minister was deliberately seeking to give the impression that billions of dollars had been stolen from the Treasury by elected officials. We raised this matter with the Minister and he has instructed the Governor to issue a statement clarifying his position. We do not feel that a statement seeking clarification is good enough and we have in correspondence asked that the Minister go a step further and produce the methodology that Mr. Llewellyn used for arriving at his figures, with specific reference to those particular bits of property that are being questioned. Absent an ability to justify his figures the statement should be completely retracted. Our party has, and continues to be vilified by this Interim Administration. In doing so, this Administration has taken on all of the trappings of a political party and that is to be regretted.

As we did when we met in London, the Party again impressed upon the Minister the need for the Administration to view the People of the Turks and Caicos Islands as their partners in the process towards the return of a democratically elected government. The Administration has not as yet begun to do that.

That, notwithstanding, this Progressive National Party will continue to agitate on behalf of the people of the Turks and Caicos Islands for the return of democracy and for the promotion of good governance and sustainable development.

We believe that we can have it all!
We believe that we deserve it all!

.

Uncertain return to elected government in Turks & Caicos Islands amidst continued colonial power

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ELECTIONS NEXT YEAR DOUBTFUL

 

By Hayden Boyce

TCI SUN Publisher & Editor-in-Chief

There appears to be great doubt about whether elections that will return the Turks and Caicos Islands to self-rule, will be held next year. While officials from the United Kingdom keep saying in broad and general terms that it is their intention to hold elections in 2012, they have so far refused to give a date and have been expressing concerns about the milestones that have to be met before voters go the poll.

It was widely expected that when Hon. Henry Bellingham, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, visited the Turks and Caicos Islands on Thursday July 14, that he would made a major announcement such as releasing the date for elections. However, when pressed by The SUN to give a date, he refused.

He said the Constitution has been passed, and that was a major milestone, but he is not prepared to say categorically that all of the work will be completed in time for elections.

“As far as the elections are concerned, I made it absolutely clear that there is every chance that they will take place next year, but you’ve got to meet the milestones. To make an announcement of a definite date, I can’t do that because it is not possible for me to say categorically that all of the Ordinances will go through. For example, we’ve got to the start work on the Ordinance governing the electoral process.

“If the milestones are met, there’s a very, very good chance of elections, but it’s in the hands of the people of the Turks and Caicos Islands,” Bellingham said. “They’ve got to work together on this process so we can have elections and you will then have a democratically elected government back in place. We have goodwill in place and with the Interim Government keeping up the tempo, we will make enough progress with those milestones and have elections next year, but I’m not prepared to say we are definitely going to do that. The events are beyond my control. I can’t say categorically that all of the work will be completed but I am very confident that the work will be completed and we will have elections.”

However, in the House of Commons on June 23, 2011, MP Emma Reynolds asked Bellinghman what recent assessment he has made of the likelihood of the Turks and Caicos Islands meeting the milestones prior to 2012. He replied: “There has not been sufficient progress to date against the milestones to conclude that they will be met prior to 2012. However, following a visit to London last week by a Turks and Caicos Islands delegation, good progress is now being made on the new Turks and Caicos Islands constitution.”

Bellingham said the milestones set out by myself and the Minister of State for International Development on December 9th last year, point the way to that future, as well as being crucial to our ability to set a date for elections in 2012. He noted that he was delighted that they were able to complete the substantive work on the first milestone, amendments to the constitution at the end of the visit of the Turks and Caicos Island delegation to the UK last month.

The Guam United Nations Papers - Statement of Governor Eddie Baza Calvo

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THE QUESTION OF GUAM

STATEMENT

OF THE

GOVERNOR OF GUAM EDDIE BAZA CALVO

BY: CLARE CALVO

BEFORE THE

UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON DECOLONIZATION 

June 21, 2011

Hafa Adai & Good Afternoon Mr. Chairman Carrion-Mena and members of the Special Committee on Decolonization. My name is Clare Baza Calvo and I am first and foremost a daughter of Guam. As well, I am president and founding member of Conscious Living Nonprofit Organization. Our mission is to bring forth wellness and healing to Guam and her people. Through social change rooted deeply in love and respect for the interconnectedness of all life, we strive to cultivate self-empowerment by taking responsible steps to improve our over-all livelihood on our beautiful island. I AM HERE BEFORE YOU ON BEHALF OF EDDIE BAZA CALVO, GOVERNOR OF GUAM. HE CONVEYS HIS SINCEREST APOLOGIES FOR NOT APPEARING TODAY; HOWEVER, THE GOVERNOR HAS PREPARED A WRITTEN TESTIMONY IN WHICH I WILL NOW READ:

EDDIE BAZA CALVO: TESTIMONY 500 YRS OVERDUE

Ladies and gentlemen, members of the United Nations, the people of Guam need your help. We are bearing a great burden. Colonialism has weighed down upon our people for nearly 500 years. This half millennium of external rule has taken its toll. Our Chamorro ancestors came to Guam centuries before the Polynesians arrived in Hawaii. Our Chiefs held law over the land before the Kings of Europe. Our latte stones were built as the Mayans built their pyramids. Yet the only written history of this advanced and unique people are the accounts of foreigners—of Spanish Conquistadors and priests.

Our island suffered over 230 years of Spanish colonial rule. Chamorros were devastated by new diseases, war, and oppression. After the Spanish-American War, the United States claimed Guam, and rule began under the Naval government. Once again, Chamorros had no representation, and no say in their future. Japan's foray into imperialism during World War II was especially brutal for Guam, when Chamorros suffered atrocities from the Japanese Imperial Army. Our women were raped. Our men were beheaded. Chamorro families were marched into caves and exterminated like vermin. After three years of pain and suffering, America finally stormed the beaches of our island on July 1944 to take back the island. The occasion is known as Liberation Day, but while we were liberated from slavery and war, the Chamorros were still suppressed under colonialism. One of Guam's liberators, a brave American named Darrell Doss said it best. Quote.


Fifty-nine years ago, on July 21, 1944, I and more than 57,000 Marines, soldiers and sailors came ashore on the beaches of Asan and Agat, and were honored to be referred to as ‘liberators.’ But in the end, we failed to accomplish what we had come to do -- liberate you. More correctly, our government failed both of us by not granting the people of Guam full citizenship. Another injustice is not allowing Guam to have equal say, as we in the states do in governing your island home. Please remember, we men who landed on your shores July 21, 1944, shall never be fully satisfied until you are fully liberated. Unquote.


Worse yet, the Chamorro people have yet to even receive reparations for the atrocities they suffered. The United States has already acknowledged the need to address wrongdoings during World War II, which is why Japanese-Americans who were forcibly removed from their homes during the war have been compensated. These reparations were justified. Thousands of Japanese-Americans underwent forced internment, the motivations racist and ignorant. But what of our greatest generation on Guam? The Chamorros of World War II endured slavery, occupation, murder, and genocide. Yet, the U.S. Government is silent in its obligations to war reparations. Our island anxiously awaits the day where our people can receive the same amount of respect, as fellow Americans who endured unimaginable evil during that time. The silence from the administering power on this issue reinforces the point that Guam can no longer remain a colony in perpetuity.

Ladies and gentlemen, for nearly half a millennium the Chamorro people have been unable to reach their full socio-economic potential because of our political status. Now, more than ever, it is important to move forward, while there are still Chamorros left to express our right to self-determination. I am thankful our administering power: the United States recognizes this right and need. The Obama administration has agreed to match local funding I have allocated for our decolonization efforts. The Government of Guam is committed to a plebiscite. I personally would like to see a vote taken in the next general election or election thereafter. What is most important is to make sure our Chamorros make an educated decision on the political status they want to move toward.

To say, “exercising this human right is long overdue” is a gross understatement. For far too long the Chamorro people have been told to be satisfied with a political status that does not respect their wishes first. For far too long the native people of Guam have been dealing with inequality of government. We have been dealing with taxation without full representation, with quasi-citizenship and partial belonging. Now it is time for us to realize our full political destiny, so we can take control and lead and live the way that is best for our people.

I am urging this body to support our human rights as citizens of this world, to help us become citizens of a place—of our place in this world. Kao siña un ayuda ham ni' ManChamoru. Kao siña un rikoknisa i direchon-måmi para in-din-tet-minan maisa. Ayuda ham humago' i guinifen-måmi. Manespisiåt ham. Mambanidosu ham. ManChamoru ham. Thank you for the opportunity to speak on behalf of the people of Guam.




The Guam United Nations Papers - Statement of Edward Alvarez, Guam Decolonization Commission

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THE QUESTION OF GUAM

STATEMENT

OF THE

EDWARD ALVAREZ

EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, COMMISSION ON DECOLONIZATION

GOVERNMENT OF GUAM

BEFORE THE

UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON DECOLONIZATION

JUNE 21, 2011

HAFA ADAI (GREETINGS) CHAIRMAN FRANCISCO CARRION-MENA, ALL GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS, AND THE COMMITTEE OF 24 AMBASSADORS.

MY NAME IS EDWARD ALVAREZ, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE GUAM COMMISSION ON DECOLONIZATION. WHILE ATTENDING THE SEMINAR IN ST.VINCENT AND THE GRENADINE ISLANDS LAST MONTH, I REPORTED THAT GUAM HAS MADE SIGNIFICANT STRIDES IN A POSITIVE LIGHT REGARDING DECOLONIZATION IN THE LAST FOUR MONTHS. THE GOVERNMENT OF GUAM WILL BE EMBARKING ON AN AGGRESSIVE CAMPAIGN TO PARLAY OUR SITUATION TO A NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL AUDIENCE. IN ADDITION, GUAM’S CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATE HAS INTRODUCED LEGISLATION TO APPROPIATE MONEY FOR A CHAMORRO SELF-DETERMINATION EDUCATIONAL CAMPAIGN. THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERIOR HAS EXPRESSED INTENT TO FUND THE EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM IN THE FUTURE.

HONORABLE CHAIRMAN, WHEN I THINK ABOUT THE LAST 20 YEARS THE COMMITTEE HAS BEEN INVOLVED WITH THIS ISSUE, COUPLED WITH ALL THE HISTORIC TESTIMONY, IT MADE SENSE TO ME THAT IT WAS TIME TO EXPLORE INNOVATIVE WAYS TO GET THIS ACCOMPLISHED. I WOULD ASSUME BY NOW, WE ALL MUST BE EAGER TO BRING CLOSURE TO THIS ISSUE AND DELIST THE 16 REMAINING NON-SELF GOVERNING TERRITORIES.

OUR HONORABLE GOVERNOR, EDUARDO BAZA CALVO, HAS GIVEN THIS ISSUE PRIMACY AND AIMS TO HOLD A PLEBISCITE IN THE NEXT FIVE YEARS FOR THE EXERCISE OF CHAMORRO SELF-DETERMINATION. CHAMORROS ON GUAM HAVE CLEARLY BEEN DEFINED AS THE COLONIZED PEOPLE ON GUAM WITH THE INALIENABLE HUMAN RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION IN LOCAL LEGISLATION PUBLIC LAW 23-147 AND GOVERNOR CALVO INTENDS TO UPHOLD THIS POSITION.

 MORE SPECIFICALLY, WE DO NOT INTEND TO DRAFT A CONSTITUTION AT THIS TIME; RATHER, WILL PURSUE THE RESOLUTION OF GUAM’S POLITICAL STATUS BY FACILITATING THE PROCESS OF CHAMORROS EXERCISING THEIR RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION- PARTICULARLY IN THE MIDST OF THE MILITARY BUILD-UP AND THE STATE OF THE WORLD ECONOMY.

U.S. PRESIDENT BARRACK OBAMA HAS ASSERTED IN THE CASE OF EGYPT. THAT THEY HAVE INALIENABLE RIGHTS, INCLUDING THE RIGHT TO THEIR OWN POLITICAL DESTINY, AND THE UNITED STATES WILL STAND UP FOR THEM EVERYWHERE; THIS SHOULD ALSO APPLY TO CHAMORROS ON GUAM.

HONORABLE CHAIRMAN, YOU STATED IN ST.VINCENT THAT YOU WOULD LIKE TO SEE "FRESH IDEAS" AND ENCOURAGE US TO BE IMAGINATIVE FELL IN LINE WITH THE STATEMENTS OF PRESIDENT OBAMA AND OUR GOVERNOR AND I BELIEVE THERE IS A RENEWED SENSE OF COMMITTMENT TO THIS ISSUE AND HOPE THAT ALL LEVELS OF ADVOCACY IN THE UNITED NATIONS WILL BE AFFORDED TO THE PEOPLE OF GUAM.

THEREFORE, I PROPOSE A DUAL APPROACH ALONG THIS LINE TO PARLAY THE AWARENESS AND PLIGHT OF THE COLONIZED CHAMORRO PEOPLE WHOSE POLITICAL DESTINY IS WAY OVER DUE.

RECOMMENDATIONS

1) A REPRESENTATIVE FROM THE UNITED STATES PRESIDENT'S OFFICE TO HELP IN FACILITATING THIS ISSUE IN CONGRESS AS WE ENGAGE THEM AND THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERIOR AS WELL AS THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE. THEN WE WILL REACH OUT TO NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL MEDIA PROGRAMS TO GET OUR STORY TOLD AND MESSAGE ACROSS. WE WILL THEN SEEK ADVOCACY FROM AS MANY GROUPS, ORGANZATIONS, CELEBRITIES AS WE CAN AND BEGIN MAKING THE CASE THAT OUR PRESENT RELATIONSHIP NEEDS TO END.

2) THE UNITED NATIONS ADVOCATE FOR GUAM AND PUT PRESURE ON THE U.S. WE WILL DO THIS THROUGH A NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL MEDIA CAMPAIGN AND MAY REQUEST AN INVITATION TO THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE.

CONCLUSION

HONORABLE CHAIRMAN, THE TIME HAS COME FOR ALL OF US TO COME TO GRIPS WITH WHAT IS RIGHT AND JUST FOR THE CHAMORRO PEOPLE OF GUAM AND WE ARE ASSURED THAT WITH YOUR LEADERSHIP, OUR QUEST AS A NON SELF-GOVERNING TERRITORY WILL BE A SUCCESS.

SI YUUS MA’ASE AND THANK YOU HONORABLE CHAIRMAN FROM THE COLONIZED PEOPLE OF GUAM.

The Guam United Nations Papers - Statement of LisaLinda Natividad, Guahan Coalition for Peace & Justice

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THE QUESTION OF GUAM

STATEMENT

OF THE

GUAHAN COALITION FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE

BY: LISALINDA NATIVIDAD, PHD

before the

UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON DECOLONIZATION

Introduction

Hafa dai (greetings) your Excellency Mr. Chairman Carrion-Mena and distinguished members of the Special Committee on Decolonization. Un dangkulo na si Yu’os ma’ase (a sincere thank-you) for the opportunity to share perspectives relative to the progress of decolonization and priority areas on the Question of Guam to this most esteemed committee.

I am Dr. LisaLinda Natividad, a Chamorro professor at the University of Guam and a recently appointed member of the Guam Commission on Decolonization. However, I present testimony today in my capacity as President of the Guahan Coalition for Peace and Justice; a Guam-based coalition comprised of grassroots organizations advocating for the political, cultural, social, environmental, and human rights of the people of Guam.

Our coalition is an active member of various regional and global networks related to militarism and has been a consistent voice of dissent for Guam relative to the hyper-militarization plans of our administering power, the United States. In 2006, the U.S. entered into a bilateral agreement with the government of Japan that revealed the U.S.’s plans to transfer 8,000 U.S. Marines from Okinawa, Japan to Guam. This process occurred without any consultation of Guam leaders or the Chamorro people; rather, was learnt about through U.S. mainstream media sources. The unresolved political status of Guam is the underlying condition that allows for such policy development. In the words of U.S. military Captain Robert Lee, “We’re seeing a realignment of forces away from Cold War theatres to Pacific theatres and Guam is ideal for us because it is a US territory and therefore gives us maximum flexibility.”1 These telling words validate how Guam’s current colonial condition sets the stage for the exploitation of our land and the rights of the Chamorro people in support of the U.S. militarist agenda.

Militarization of Guam

It was the announcement of the planned military build-up of our island that prompted a return of our people to the United Nations Special Committee on Decolonization after a nearly 10 year absence to evoke your support and advocacy in the face of major plans for the further exploitation of Guam. Our absence of 10 years is indicative of the lack of faith and hope that we had come to know of the United Nations. Since the announcement of the Guam military build-up in 2006, we have ensured that every single year, members of our Chamorro community have come before the United Nations pleading for your intervention. So the story I will share today is not a new one. It is one that you have heard annually for the past six years and echoes the same calls to action from the United Nations that has been requested for three generations of Chamorros at this forum, yet nonetheless; our political status remains unresolved.

As I speak, my son of eleven years, Atdao-mami, sits in this hall and if the past is a predictor of the future- his generation of Chamorros will continue to revisit this place as though our words are falling on deaf ears today. So as you hear the dismal realities of our island home, we ask that you do something different. We ask that you focus on the specific actions that can be taken by the United Nations and this esteemed committee to bring about change and resolution to the question of Guam.

The most recently passed United Nations Resolution on the Universal Realization of the Right of Peoples to Self-Determination states:

"The General Assembly…Welcoming the progressive exercise of the right to self-determination by peoples under colonial, foreign or alien occupation and their emergence into sovereign statehood and independence,

Deeply concerned at the continuation of acts or threats of foreign military intervention and occupation that are threatening to suppress, or have already suppressed, the right to self-determination of peoples and nations,

Declares its firm opposition to acts of foreign military intervention, aggression and occupation, since these have resulted in the suppression of the right of peoples to self-determination and other human rights in certain parts of the world [and]

Calls upon those States responsible to cease immediately their military intervention in and occupation of foreign countries and territories and all acts of repression, discrimination, exploitation and maltreatment…”

While these firm words express support for our circumstances, our Guam experience has been that it is not coupled with the authority to bring about change in such circumstances. On September 20, 2010, the Assistant Secretary of the Navy (Energy, Installations, and Environment), Jackalyne Pfannensteil, signed and released the Record of Decision on the Guam build-up, setting into motion the awarding of Department of Defense contracts for construction and other projects. This occurred even after approximately 10,000 comments were submitted by members of our community on the Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS) raising concerns about the social, cultural, and economic impacts to those living outside military fences.

In spite of the intensity of community outcry during the DEIS process, the only changes reflected in the U.S. Department of Defense Final Environmental Impact Statement was to spread out the plan of implementation to comply with United States Environmental Protection Agency concerns about the overtaxing of the island’s utility and wastewater system and treatment plants.

Our resistance to the increased military presence on Guam is rooted in an exploitative relationship with the U.S. military. Militarism has historically been used as the imperial hammer that ensures the suppression of Guam’s colonized peoples. As one of the longest colonized peoples in the world, Chamorros have experienced the ill effects of militarization for many centuries. In particular, U.S. military presence in Guam and Micronesia has resulted in radiation exposure, environmental devastation, and toxic contamination of the island and its people. These catastrophic effects are evidenced in the poor health outcomes of Chamorros. Despite advocacy efforts of groups on Guam for compensation for radiation exposure as a result of downwinds from atomic testing between the 1940s and the 1960s in the Marshall Islands, Guam residents are still not eligible for compensation through the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act of U.S. Congress.

In addition, the island has had 19 superfund sites, which are, “the federal government’s program to clean up the nation’s uncontrolled hazardous waste sites.”2 In addition to Superfund sites, there are 95 Installation Restoration Program sites located on the island’s current military bases. Consistent with pervasive exposure to these toxic sites, Chamorros have manifested excessively disproportionately higher rates of cancer as compared to many other ethnic groups on Guam, as well as compared to U.S. national averages. The 2003-2007 Guam Cancer Facts and Figures reported, “an 18% increase in the annual age-adjusted incidence rates”.3 Further, excessively high rates of rare types of cancer such as cancer of the nasopharynx and oral cancer are also manifested by Chamorros.

There are a myriad of other concerns connected to the militarization of Guam. For example, it has resulted in a segregated school system as a result of the Guam Department of Education being found to provide substandard education. Rather than providing additional resources to ensure access to adequate education for all children on Guam, the Department of Defense established its own premiere school system. In addition, the U.S. military has taken land under its control with its current footprint of approximately 33% of Guam today. However, there is great controversy over the additional landtaking of 2,200 acres in the north of the island intended for the construction of a live firing range complex in the ancient historical and sacred Chamorro village of Pagat. There is currently a lawsuit filed against the U.S. Department of Defense on this issue. With the acquisition of Pagat, the U.S. military will increase its presence on Guam to roughly 45% of the island. Lastly, increased militarization of Guam will result in the continued political minoritization of the Chamorro people when a self-determination plebiscite is realized.

Recommendations

In light of these concerns, the Guahan Coalition for Peace and Justice offers the following recommendations:


1. That Guam remain on the list of Non-Self Governing Territories until Chamorros have had an opportunity to exercise our inalienable human right to political self-determination;


2. That the United Nations Special Committee on Decolonization reaffirms and declares that Guam’s militarization plans by the administering power, the United States, poses an impediment to the exercise of the Chamorro peoples’ human right to self-determination and decolonization;


3. That the United Nations provide both financial and technical assistance for an educational campaign for all people of Guam relative to the political status plebiscite in the near future;


4. That the United Nations sends a Visiting Mission to observe the plebiscite that should occur in the next five years; and


5. That the United Nations adopt a Resolution that reflects a case by case decolonization plan for each of the non-self governing territory to be achieved in the Third Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism.

In closing, un dangkulo na si Yu’os ma’ase (many thanks) for the opportunity to share the experience of Guam and the Chamorro people with U.S. militarism. We evoke members of this committee to exercise its authority to hold administering powers of the world accountable to the principles of decolonization and true self-determination.

References

1 Bohane, B. America’s Pacific Speartip, The Diplomat, Sept/Oct 2007.


2 U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Retrieved from www.epa.gov/superfund/ on June 16, 2011.


3 Guam Department of Public Health and Social Services Guam Comprehensive Cancer Coalition. 2003-2007 Guam Cancer Facts and Figures published in October 2009.